University  of  California  •  Berkeley 


IV  ,/Stv  .14* 

asa  AVCI  H 


JOSIIUV  LONGLEV. 


HISTORY 


OF  THE 


RISE,  PROGRESS  AND  TERMINATION 


OF    THE 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION, 


INTERSPERSED  WITH 


Biographical,  Political  and  Moral  Obfervations, 
IN  THREE   VOLUMES. 


BY  MRS.  MERCY  WARREN, 

or  PLYMOUTH,  (MASS.) 


perplexed,  but  not  in  dei pair  ;  persecuted,  but  not  fortaken ; 

«trt  down,  but  not  destroyed.  $T.  PJUT- 

O  God  !  thy  arm  wa*  here.. 

And  not  to  us,  but  to  thy  arm  alone, 

A«c,ik~  we  all.  SHAKSSPXJRS, 


VOL.  I. 


SOS  TON  : 
PRINTED  BY  MANNING  AND  LORINC, 

FOR  E.  LARKIN,  No.  47, 

"1805," 


DISTRICT  or  MASSACHUSETTS,  to  wit. 

BE  IT  REMEMBERED,  that  on  the  eleventh  dny  of  Feb- 
ruary, in  the  thirtieth  year  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  MERCY  WARREN,  of  the  faid  diftrift,  hath  depofited  in 
this  office  the  title  of  a  Book,  the  right  whereof  fhe  claims  as  author,  in 
the  words  following,  to  wit: — " HISTORY  of  the  Rife,  Progrefs  and 
* '  Termination  of  the  A M  E  R  i  c  A  N  REVOLUTION.  Interfperfed  whk 
"  Biographical^  Political  and  Moral  Obfervations.  In  Three  Volumes. 
"  By  Mrs.  ME  RC  Y  WAR  RE  N,  of  Plymouth,  (Ma/,}" 

In  conformity  to  the  aft  of  the  congrefs  of  the  United  States,  entitled, 
**  An  aft  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  byfecuring  the  copies  of 
"  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  fuch  copies, 
"  during  the  times  therein  mentioned  ;"  and  alfo  to  an  aft.  entitled, 
"  An  aft  fupplernentary  to  an  aft,  entitled,  *  An  aft  for  the  encourage- 
"  ment  of  learning,  by  fecuring  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to 
"  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  fuch  copies,  during  the  times  therein 
ct  mentioned;'  and  extending  the  benefits  thereof  to  the  arts  of  defigning, 

engraving,  and  etching  hiftorical  and  other  prints." 

N.  GOODALE,  Clerk  ojthc  Dijlria  of  Majfachufdts . 


A  true  Copy  of  jkccord.    Atteft  : 

N.  GOODALE,  Clerk. 


AN  ADDRESS 


TO    THE 


INHABITANTS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 


/\T  a  period  when  every  manly  arm 
was  occupied,  and  every  trait  of  talent  or  activity  en- 
gaged, either  in  the  cabinet  or  the  field,  apprehenflve, 
that  amid  ft  the  fudden  convulfions,  crowded  fcenes, 
and  rapid  changes,  that  flowed  in  quick  fucceffion, 
many  circumftances  might  efcape  the  more  bufy  and 
active  members  of  fociety,  I  have  been  induced  to  im- 
prove the  leifure  Providence  had  lent,  to  record  as  they 
palTed,  in  the  following  pages,  the  new  and  unexperi- 
enced events  exhibited  in  a  land  previoufly  bleiTed  with 
peace,  liberty,  fknplicity,  and  virtue. 

As  circumftances  were  collected,  facts  related,  and 
characters  drawn,  many  years  antecedent  to  any  hiftory 
fince  publifhed,  relative  to  the  difmemberment  of  the 
colonies,  and  to  American  independence,  there  are  few 
allufions  to  any  later  writers. 

Connected  by  nature,  fricndihip,  and  every  focial  tie, 
with  many  of  the  firft  patriots,  and  moft  influential 
characters  on  the  continent ;  in  the  habits  of  confiden- 
tial and  epiftolary  intercourfe  with  feveral  gentlemen 
employed  abroad  in  the  moft  diftinguifhcd  ftations,  and 
with  others  fince  elevated  to  the  higheft  grades  of 


IT  AN    ADDRESS. 

and  diftin£Hon,  I  had  the  beft  means  of  information, 
through  a  long  period  that  the  colonies  were  in  fuf- 
penfe,  waiting  the  operation  of  foreign  courts,  and  the 
fuccefs  of  their  own  enterprifing  fpirit. 

The  folemnity  that  covered  every  countenance,  when 
contemplating  the  fword  uplifted,  and  the  horrors  of 
civil  war  rufhing  to  habitations  not  inured  to  fcenes  of 
rapine  and  mifery ;  even  to  the  quiet  cottage,  where 
only  concord  and  affection  had  reigned  ;  ftimulated  to 
obfervation  a  mind  that  had  not  yielded  to  the  alTer- 
tion,  that  all  political  attentions  lay  out  of  the  road  of 
female  life. 

It  is  true  there  are  certain  appropriate  duties  affigned 
to  eachfex  $  and  doubtlefs  it  is  the  more  peculiar  province 
of  mafculine  ftrength,  not  only  to  repel  the  bold  in- 
vader of  the  rights  of  his  country  and  of  mankind,  but 
in  the  nervous  ftyle  of  manly  eloquence,  to  defcribe  the 
blood-flained  field,  and  relate  the  ftory  of  Slaughtered 
armies. 

Senfible  of  this,  the  trembling  heart  has  recoiled  at 
the  magnitude  of  the  undertaking,  and  the  hand  often 
fnrunk  back  from  the  talk  ;  yet,  recollecting  that  every 
domeftic  enjoyment  depends  on  the  unimpaired  polfei- 
fion  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  that  a  concern  for  the 
welfare  of  fociety  ought  equally  to  glow  in  every  hu- 
man breaft,  the  work  was  not  relinquished.  The  moft 
interefting  circumftances  were  collected,  active  charac- 
ters portrayed,  the  principles  of  the  times  developed, 
and  the  changes  marked  ;  nor  need  it  caufe  a  blufh  to 
acknowledge,  a  detail  was  preferved  with  a  view  of 
tranfmitting  it  to  the  riiing  youth  of  my  country,  fome 
of  them  in  infancy,  others  in  the  European  world,  while 
the  moft  interefting  events  lowered  over  their  native 
land. 


AN    ADDRESS. 

Confcious  that  truth  has  been  the  guide  of  my  pen, 
and  candor,  as  well  as  juftice,  the  accompaniment  of 
my  wifhes  through  every  page,  I  can  fay,  with  an 
ingenious  writer,  "  I  have  ufed  my  pen  with  the  liberty 
"  of  one,  who  neither  hopes  nor  fears,  nor  has  any  in- 
"  tereft  in  the  fuccefs  or  failure  of  any  party,  and  who 
"  fpeaks  to  pcfterity — -perhaps  very  far  remote." 

The  fympathizing  heart  has  looked  abroad  and  wept 
the  many  victims  of  affliction,  inevitably  fuch  in  confe- 
quence  of  civil  feuds  and  the  concomitant  miferies  of 
war,  either  foreign  or  domeftic.  The  reverfes  of  life, 
and  the  inftability  of  the  world,  have  been  viewed  on 
the  point  of  both  extremes.  Their  delufory  nature  and 
character,  have  been  contemplated  as  becomes  the  phi- 
lofopher  and  the  chriflian  :  the  one  teaches  us  from 
the  analogies  of  nature,  the  necefiity  of  changes,  decay, 
and  death ;  the  other  ftrengthens  the  mind  to  meet 
them  with  the  rational  hope  of  revival  and  renovation. 

Several  years  have  elapfed  fince  the  hiftorical  tracts, 
now  with  diffidence  fubmitted  to  the  public,  have  been 
arranged  in  their  prefent  order.  Local  circumilances, 
the  decline  of  health,  temporary  deprivations  of  fight, 
the  death  of  the  moft  amiable  of  children,  "  the  ihaft 
"  flew  thrice,  and  thrice  my  peace  was  flain,"  have 
fometimes  prompted  to  throw  by  the  pen  in  deipair.  I 
draw  a  veil  over  the  woe-fraught  fcenes  that  have  pierc- 
ed my  own  heart.  "  While  the  foul  was  melting  in- 
"  wardly,  it  has  endeavoured  to  fupport  outwardly,  with 
"  decency  and  dignity*  thole  accidents  which  admit  of 
"  no  redrefs,  and  to  exert  that  fpirit  that  enables  to  get 
"  the  better  of  thofc  that  do." 

Not  indifferent  to  the  opinion  of  the  world,  nor 
fervilely  courting  its  irniles,  no  fdrther  apology  is  offer- 


Atf    ADDRESS. 

ed  for  the  attempt,  though  many  may  be  necefTaryj  for 
the  incomplete  execution  of  a  defign,  that  had  rectitude 
for  its  baiisj  and  a  beneficent  regard  for  the  civil  and 
religious  rights  of  mankind,  for  its  motive. 

The  liberal-minded  will  perufe  with  candor,  rather 
than  criticife  with  feverity ;  nor  will  they  think  it  ne- 
cellary,  that  any  apology  ihould  be  offered,  for  fome- 
{imes  introducing  characters  nearly  conne&ed  with  the 
author  of  the  following  annals  ;  as  they  were  early  and 
zealoufly  attached  to  the  public  cauie,  uniform  in  their 
principles,  and  conftantly  active  in  the  great  fcenes  that 
produced  the  revolution,  and  obtained  independence  for 
their  country,  truth  precludes  that  referve  which  might 
have  been  proper  on  lei's  important  occalions,  and  for- 
bids-to  pais  over  in  illence  the  names  of  fuch  as  expired 
before  the  conflict  was  iiniihed,  or  have  iince  retired 
from  public  fcenes.  The  hiftorian  has  nev-er  laid  aflde 
the  tendernefs  of  the  fex  or  the  friend ;  at  the  fame 
time,  ihe  has  endeavoured,  on  all  occalions,  that  the 
ilricteft  veracity  Ihould  govern  her  heart,  and  the  moit 
exact  impartiality  be  the  guide  of  her  pen. 

If  the  work  (liould  be  ib  far  ufeful  or  entertaining,  as 
to  obtain  the  {auction  of  the  generous  and  virtuous  part 
of  the  community,  I  cannot  but  be  highly  gratified  and 
amply  rewarded  for  the  effort,  ibotheJ  at  the  {lime  time 
with  the  idea,  that  the  motives  were  juftifiable  in  the 
eye  of  Omitifcience.  Then,  if  it  ihould  not  elcape  thp 
remarks  of  the  critic,  or  the  cenfure  of  party,  I  ihall 
feel  no  wound  to  my  leniibility,  but  repoie  on  my  pillow 
as  quietly  as  ever,— 

. 

Before  this  adclrets  to  my  countrymen  is  doled,  I  be£ 
ieave  to  o'pierve,  that  as  a  new  century  has 


AN    ADDRESS. 

upon  us>  the  mind  is  naturally  led  to  contemplate  the 
great  events  that  have  run  parallel  vrith,  and  have  juft 
clofed  the  laft.  From  the  revolutionary  fpirit  of  the 
times,  the  vaft  improvements  in  fcience,  arts,  and  agri- 
culture, the  boldnefs  of  genius  that  marks  the  age,  the 
inveftigation  of  new  theories,  and  the  changes  in  the 
political,  civil,  and  religious  characters  of  men,  fucceed- 
ing  generations  have  reaion  to  expect  itill  more  afton- 
ifhing  exhibitions  in  the  next.  In  the  mean  time, 
Providence  has  clearly  pointed  out  the  duties  of  the 
prefent  generation,  particularly  the  paths  which  Ameri- 
cans ought  to  tread.  The  United  States  form  a  young 
republic,  a  confederacy  which  ought  ever  to  be  cement- 
ed by  a  union  of  interefls  and  affection,  under  the 
influence  of  thofe  principles  which  obtained  their  inde- 
pendence. Thefe  have  indeed,  at  certain  periods, 
appeared  to  be  in  the  wane  ;  but  let  them  never  be 
eradicated,  by  the  jarring  interefts  of  parties,  jealoufies 
of  the  lifter  ftates,  or  the  ambition  of  individuals  !  It 
has  been  obferved,  by  a  writer  of  celebrity,*  that  "  that 
"  people,  government, and  conftitutionisthe  freeft,which 
"  makes  the  beft  provifion  for  the  enacting  of  expedient 
"  and  falutary  laws."  May  this  truth  be  evinced  to  all 
ages,  by  the  wife  and  falutary  laws  that  fhall  be  enacted 
in  the  federal  legiflature  of  America  ! 

May  the  hands  of  the  executive  of  their  own  choice, 
be  ftrengthened  more  by  the  unanimity  and  affection 
of  the  people,  than  by  the  dread  of  penal  inflictions,  or 
any  reftraints  that  might  reprefs  -free  inquiry,  relative 
to  the  principles  of  their  own  government,  and  the 
conduct  of  its  adminiilrators  !  The  world  is  now  view- 
ing America,  as  experimenting  a  new  fyftem  of  govern- 
ment, a  FEDERAL  REPUBLIC,  including  a  territory 
to  which  the  Kingdoms  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland 

*  Paley's  Moral  Philofophy. 


Till  AN    ADDRESS. 

bear  little  proportion.  The  practicability  of  fupporting 
fuch  a  fyftem,  has  been  doubted  by  fome ;  if  {he  fuc- 
ceeds,  it  will  refute  the  afiertion,  that  none  but  fmall 
ftates  are  adapted  to  republican  government;  if  {he 
does  not,  and  the  union  fliould  be  diflblved,  fome  am- 
bitious fon  of  Columbia,  or  fome  foreign  adventurer, 
allured  by  the  prize,  may  wade  to  empire  through  feas 
of  blood,  or  the  friends  of  monarchy  may  fee  a  number 
of  petty  defpots,  ftretching  their  fceptres  over  the  dif- 
jointed  parts  of  the  continent.  Thus  by  the  mandate 
of  a  ilngle  fovereign,  the  degraded  fubjedts  of  one  ftate, 
under  the  bannerets  of  royalty,  may  be  dragged  to 
{heathe  their  fwords  in  the  bofoms  of  the  inhabitants  of 
another. 

The  ftate  of  the  public  mind,  appears  at  prefent  to 
be  prepared  to  weigh  thefe  reflections  with  folemnity, 
and  to  receive  with  pleafure  an  effort  to  trace  the  origin 
of  the  American  revolution,  to  review  the  characters 
that  effected  it,  and  to  juftify  the  principles  of  the 
defection  and  final  feparation  from  the^  parent  ftate. 
With  an  expanded  heart,  beating  with  high  hopes  of 
the  continued  freedom  and  profperity  of  America,  the 
writer  indulges  a  modeft  expectation,  that  the  following 
pages  will  be  perufed  with  kindnefs  and  candor  :  this 
ihe  claims,  both  in  confideration  of  her  {ex,  the  up- 
rightnefs  of  her  intentions,  and  the  fervency  of  her 
wimes  for  the  happinefs  of  all  the  human  race. 


MERCY  WARREN. 

.  ,     ujs.;? 

MARCH,  1805. 


PLYMOUTH,  (MASS.)} 


CONTENTS 

OF  VOLUME  FIRST. 


CHAPTER   f. 
Introductory  Obfervations.  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  Stamp- Act. — A  Congrefs  convened  at  New  York, 
One  thouland  feven  hundred  and  fixty-five. — The 
Stamp-Aft  repealed. — New  Grievances. — Sufpen- 
ilon  of  the  Legiflature  of  New  York.  27 

CHAPTER  III. 

Curfory  Obfervations. — MafTachufetts  Circular  Letter. 
— A  new  Houfe  of  Reprefentatives  called. — Gover- 
nor Bernard  impeached. — A  Riot  on  the  Seizure  of 
a  VefTel. — Troops  applied  for  to  protect  the  King's 
Officers. — A  Convention  at  Bofton. — Troops  arrive. 
— A  Combination  againil  all  Commerce  with  Great 
Britain, — A  General  AfTembly  convened  at  Bofton — 
removed  to  Cambridge. — Governor  Bernard,  after 
Ms  Impeachment,  repairs  to  England.  52 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   IV. 

Cbara&er  of  Mr.  Hutchinfon — appointed  Governor  of 
MafTachufetts., — The  attempted  Affaffination  of  Mr. 
Otis — Tranfaclions  on  the  fifth  of  March,  one  thou- 
fand  feven  hundred,  and  feventy. — Arrival  of  the 
Eaft  India  Company's  Tea-Ships — Eftabliftiment  of 
Committees  of  Correfpondence. — The  Right  of  Par- 
liamentary  Taxation  without  Reprefentation,  urged 
by  Mr.  Hutchinfon. — Articles  of  Impeachment, 
refolved  on  in  the  Houfe  of  Reprefentatives,  againft 
Governor  Hutchinfon  and  Lieutenant  Governor 
Oliver.— -Chief  Juftice  of  the  Province  impeached. — 
Bofton  Port-Bill.-*— Governor  Hutchinfon  leaves  the 
Province.  Tf 

CHAPTER   V. 

General  Gage  appointed  Governor  of  MafTachufetts. — . 
General  Affembly  meet  at  Salem. — A  Propofal  for  a 
Congrefs  from  all  the  Colonies,  to  be  convened  at , 
Philadelphia. — Mandamus  Counfellors  obliged  to 
refign — Refolutions  of  the  General  Congrefs. — 
Occafional  Obfervations — the  MafTachufetts  atten- 
tive to  the  military  Difcipline  of  their  Youth. — 
Suffolk  Refolves. — A  Provincial  Congrefs  chofen  in 
the  Maflachufetts. — Governor  Gage  fummons  a  new 
Houfe  of  Reprefentatives.  12' 

* 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Parliamentary  Divifions  on  American  Affairs. — Cur- 
fory  Obfervations  and  Events. — Meafures  for  raifing 
an  Army  of  Obfervation  by  the  four  New  England 
Governments  of  New  Hampfliire,  Maflachufetts, 
Rhode  Ifland,  and  Connecticut. — Battle  of  Lexing- 
ton.— Sketches  of  the  Conduct  and  Characters  of  the 
Governors  of  the  fouthern  Provinces. — Ticonderoga 


CONTENTS. 

taken. — Arrival  of  Reinforcements  from  England. — 
Profcription  and  Characters  of  Samuel  Adams  and 
John  Hancock,  Efquires. — Battle  of  Bunker  Hill. — 
Death  and  Character  of  General  Jofeph  Warren. — 
Maffachufetts  adopt  a  ftable  Form  of  Government.  1 70 

CHAPTER   VII. 

A  Continental  Army — Mr.  Washington  appointed  to 
the  Command. — General  Gage  recalled — fucceeded 
by  Sir  William  Howe. — Depredations  on  the  Sea 
Coaft — Falmouth  burnt. — Canadian  AfFairs.—Death 
and  Character  of  General  Montgomery.  229 

CHAPTER   VIII. 

DifTenfions  in  the  Britifh  Parliament. — Petition  of 
Governor  Penn  rejected. — Bofton  evacuated. — Sir 
Henry  Clinton  fent  to  the  Southward — followed  by 
General  Lee*— his  Character. — Sir  Peter  Parker's 
Attack  on  Sullivan's  Ifland.  General  Howe's  Ar- 
rival at  Sandy  Hook. — General  Wafhington  leaves 
Cambridge. — Obfervations  on  the  Temper  of  ibme 
of  the  Colonies.  272 

CHAPTER   IX. 

Declaration  of  Independence. — Lord  Howe's  Arrival 
in  America. — Action  on  Long  Ifland. — Retreat  of 
the  Americans  through  the  Jerfies,  and  the  Lofs  of 
the  Forts  Wafhington  and  Lee. — Affairs  in  Can- 
ada.— Surprife  of  the  Heflians  at  Trenton. — Various 
Tranfactions  in  the  Jerfies.— General  Howe's  Re- 
treat— Makes  Head-Quarters  at  Brunfwick — His 
Indecifion — Some  Traits  of  his  Character.  305 

CHAPTER   X. 

Defultory  Circumftances. — Skirmifhes  and  Events. — 
General  Howe  withdraws  from  the  Jerfies — Arrives 


CONTENTS. 

at  the  River  Elk — Followed  by  Wafiiington.-^The 
Battle  of  Brandywine. — General  Wafhington  de- 
feated, retreats  to  Philadelphia — Obliged  to  draw 
off  his  Army. — Lord  Cornwallis  takes  Pofleffion  of 
the  City. — Ac~tion  at  Germantown,  Red  Bank,  &c. — 
The  Britifh  Army  take  Winter-Quarters  in  Phila- 
delphia.— The  Americans  encamp  at  Valley-Forge. 
— General  Wafhington's  Situation  not  eligible. — 
De  Lifle's  Letters, — General  Conway  refigns. — 
The  Baron  de  Steuben  appointed  Infpector  General 
of  tlie  American  Army.  364 

APPENDIX.  403 


THE 

RISE,  PROGRESS, 


O  F    I  H  E 


AMERICAN  REVOLUTION- 


CHAPTER  L 

Introductory  Obfervatiorts. 

HlSTORY,  the  depofite  of  crimes,  and  the 
record  of  every  thing  difgraceful  or  honorary 
to  mankind,  requires  a  juft  knowledge  of  char- 
acter, to  inveftigate  the  fources  of  a&ion  ;  a  clear 
comprehenfion,  to  review  the  combination  of 
caufes  ;  and  precifion  of  language,  to  detail  the 
events  that  have  produced  the  moft  remarka- 
ble revolutions. 

To  analyze  the  fecret  fprings  that  have  ef- 
fected the  progreilive  changes  in  fociety ;  to 
trace  the  origin  of  the  various  modes  of  gov- 
ernment, the  confequent  improvements  in  fci- 
ence,  in  morality,  or  the  national  tindture  that 

VOL.  I.  A 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

marks  the  manners  of  the  people  under  defpotic 
or  more  liberal  forms,  is  a  bold  and  adventur- 
ous work. 

The  ftudy  of  the  human  character  opens  at 
once  a  beautiful  and1a  deformed  picture  of  the 
foul.  We  there  find  a  noble  principle  implanted 
in  the  nature  of  man,  that  pants  for  diftmction. 
This  principle  operates  in  every  bofom,  and 
when  kept  under  the  control  of  reafon,  and 
the  influence  of  humanity,  it  produces  the  moft 
benevolent  effects.  But  when  the  checks  of 
confcience  are  thrown  aiide,  or  the  moral  fenfe 
weakened  by  the  fudden  acquifition  of  wealth 
or  power,  humanity  is  obfcured,  and  if  a  favor- 
able coincidence  of  circumftances  permits,  this 
love  of  diftinction  often  exhibits  the  moft  mor- 
tifying inftances  of  profligacy,  tyranny,  and  the 
wanton  exercife  of  arbitrary  fway.  Thus  when 
we  look  over  the  theatre  of  human  action,  fcru- 
tinize  the  windings  of  the  heart,  and  furvey  the 
tranfaclions  of  man  from  the  earlieft  to  the  pre- 
fent  period,  it  muft  be  acknowledged  that  am- 
bition  and  avarice  are  the  leading  fprings  which 
generally  actuate  the  reftlefs  mind.  From  thefe 
primary  fources  of  corruption  have  arifen  all 
the  rapine  and  confufion,  the  depredation  and 
ruin,  that  have  fpread  diftrefs  over  the  face  of 
the  earth  from  the  days  of  Nimrod  to  Cefar, 
and  from  Cefar  to  an  arbitrary  prince  of  the 
houfe  of  Brunfwick. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION..  3 

The  indulgence  of  thefe  turbulent  paflions 
has  depopulated  cities,  laid  wafte  the  fineft  terri- 
tories, and  turned  the  beauty  and  harmony  of 
the  lower  creation  into  an  aceldama.  Yet  can- 
dor muft  bear  honorable  teftimony  to  many 
iignal  inflances  of  difinterefted  merit  among  the 
children  of  men  ;  thus  it  is  not  poffible  to  pro- 
nounce decidedly  on  the  character  of  the  politi- 
cian or  the  ftatefinan  till  the  winding  up  of  the 
drama.  To  evince  the  truth  of  this  remark,  it 
is  needlefs  to  adduce  innumerable  inftances  of 
deception  both  in  ancient  and  modern  ftory. 
It  is  enough  to  obferve,  that  the  fpecious  Auguf- 
tus  eftablifhed  hiinfelf  in  empire  by  the  appear- 
ance of  juftice,  clemency,  and  moderation, 
while  the  favage  Nero  fhamelefsly  weltered  in 
the  blood  of  the  citizens  ;  but  the  fole  object  of 
each  was  to  become  the  fovereign  of  life  and 
property,  and  to  govern  the  Roman  world  with 
a  defpotic  hand. 

Time  may  unlock  the  cabinets  of  princes, 
unfold  the  fecret  negociations  of  ftatefmen,  and 
hand  down  the  immortal  characters  of  dignified 
worth,  or  the  blackened  traits  of  finifhed  vil- 
lany  in  exaggerated  colours.  But  truth  is  moft 
likely  to  be  exhibited  by  the  general  fenfe  of 
contemporaries,  when  the  feelings  of  the  heart 
can  be  expreffed  without  fuffering  itfelf  to  be 
difguifed  by  the  prejudices  of  the  man.  Yet  it 
is  not  eafy  to  convey  to  pofterity  a  juft  idea  of 
the  embarraffed  fituation  of  the  weftern  world, 


4t  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  i.  previous  to  the  rupture  with  Britain  ;  the  dif- 
memberment  of  the  empire,  and  the  lofs  of  the 
moft  induftrious,  flouriihing,  and  perhaps  virtu- 
ous colonies,  ever  planted  by  the  hand  of  man. 

The  progrefs  of  the  American  Revolution 
has  been  fo  rapid,  and  fuch  the  alteration  of 
manners,  the  blending  of  characlers,  and  the 
new  train  of  ideas  that  almoft  univerfally  pre- 
vail, that  the  principles  which  animated  to  the 
nobleft  exertions  have  been  nearly  annihilated. 
Many  who  firft  ftepped  forth  in  vindication  of 
the  rights  of  human  nature  are  forgotten,  and 
the  caufes  which  involved  the  thirteen  colonies 
in  confufion  and  blood  are  fcarcely  known,  amidft 
the  rage  of  accumulation  and  the  tafte  for  expen- 
five  pleafures  that  have  fince  prevailed ;  a  tafte 
that  has  abolilhed  that  mediocrity  which  once 
fatisfied,  and  that  contentment  which  long  fmil- 
ed  in  every  countenance.  Luxury,  the  compan-r 
ion  of  young  acquired  wealth,  is  ufually  the  con- 
fequence  of  oppofition  to,  or  clofe  connexion 
with,  opulent  commercial  ftates.  ,  Thus  the 
hurry  of  fpirits,  that  ever  attends  the  eager  pur- 
fuit  of  fortune  and  a  paffion  for  fplendid  en- 
joyment, leads  to  forgetfulnefs ;  and  thus  the 
inhabitants  of  America  ceafe  to  look  back  with 
due  gratitude  and  refpecl;  on  the  fortitude  and 
virtue  of  their  anceftors,  who,  through  difficul- 
ties almoft  infurmountable,  planted  them  in  a 
happy  foil.  But  the  hiftorian  and  the  philofo- 
pher  will  ever  venerate  the  memory  of  thofe 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  5 

pious  and  independent  gentlemen,  who,  after 
iuffering  innumerable  impofitions,  reftri&ions, 
and  penalties,  lefs  for  political,  than  theological 
opinions,  left  England,  not  as  adventurers  for 
wealth  or  fame,  but  for  the  quiet  enjoyment  of 
religion  and  liberty. 

The  love  of  domination  and  an  uncontrolled 
luft  of  arbitrary  power  have  prevailed  among 
all  nations,  and  perhaps  in  proportion  to  the 
degrees  of  civilization.  They  have  been  equally 
confpicuous  in  the  decline  of  Roman  virtue,  and 
in  the  dark  pages  of  Britifh  ftory.  It  was  thefe 
principles  that  overturned  that  ancient  republic. 
It  was  thefe  principles  that  frequently  involved 
/England  in  civil  feuds.  It  was  the  refiftance  to 
them  that  brought  one  of  their  monarchs  to  the 
block,  and  ftruck  another  from  his  throne.  It 
was  the  prevalence  of  them  that  drove  the  firft 
fettlers  of  America  from  elegant  habitations  and 
affluent  circumftances,  to  feek  an  afylum  in  the 
cold  and  uncultivated  regions  of  the  weftern 
world.  Oppreffed  in  Britain  by  defpotic  kings, 
and  perfecuted  by  prelatic  fury,  they  fled  to  a 
diftant  country,  where  the  defires  of  men  were 
bounded  by  the  wants  of  nature  ;  where  civili- 
zation had  not  created  thofe  artificial  cravings 
which  too  frequently  break  over  every  moral 
and  religious  tie  for  their  gratification. 

The  tyranny  of  the  Stuart  race  has  long 
been  proverbial  in  Englifh  ftory  :    their  efforts 


6  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

to  eftablifh  an  arbitrary  fyftem  of  government 
began  with  the  weak  and  bigoted  reign  of 
James  the  firft,  and  were  continued  until  the 
excifion  of  his  fon  Charles.  The  contefts  be- 
tween the  Britiili  parliament  and  this  unfortu- 
nate monarch  arofe  to  fuch  an  height,  as  to 
augur  an  alarming  defection  of  many  of  the 
bed  fubjects  in  England.  Great  was  their  un- 
eafmefs  at  the  Hate  of  public  affairs,  the  arbi- 
trary ftretch  of  power,  and  the  obftinacy  of 
king  Charles,  who  purfued  his  own  defpotic 
meafures  in  fpite  of  the  oppofition  of  a  number 
of  gentlemen  in  parliament  attached  to  the  liber- 
ties and  privileges  of  Englimmen.  Thus  a  fpirit 
of  emigration  adopted  in  the  preceding  reign  be- 
gan to  fpread  with  great  rapidity  through  the 
nation.  Some  gentlemen  endowed  with  talents 
to  defend  their  rights  by  the  moil  cogent  and 
refifilefs  arguments,  were  among  the  number 
who  had  taken  the  alarming  refolution  of  feek- 
ing  an  afylum  far  from  their  natal  foil,  where 
they  might  enjoy  the  rights  and  privileges  they 
claimed,  and  which  they  confidered  on  the  eve 
of  annihilation  at  home.  Among  thefe  were 
Oliver  Cromwell,  afterwards  protector,  and  a 
number  of  other  gentlemen  of  diftinguimed 
name,  who  had  actually  engaged  to  embark  for 
New-England.  This  was  a  circumftance  fo 
alarming  to  the  court,  that  they  were  flopped 
by  an  order  of  government,  and  by  royal  edict 
all  further  emigration  was  forbidden.  The 
fpirit  of  colonization  was  not  however  much 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

impeded,  nor  the  growth  of  the  young  planta- 
tions prevented,  by  the  arbitrary  refolutions  of 
the  court.  It  was  but  a  fhort  time  after  this 
effort  to  check  them,  before  numerous  Englifh 
emigrants  were  fpread  along  the  borders  of  the 
Atlantic  from  Plymouth  to  Virginia. 

The  independency  with  which  thefe  colonifts 
acled ;  the  high  promife  of  future  advantage 
from  the  beauty  and  fertility  of  the  country ; 
and,  as  was  obferved  foon  after,  "  the  profperous 
"  ftate  of  their  fettlements,  made  it  to  be  con- 
"  fidered  by  the  heads  of  the  puritan  party  in 
"England,  many  of  whom  were  men  of  the 
"  firft  rank,  fortune  and  abilities,  as  the  fanctu- 
"  ary  of  liberty."*  The  order  above  alluded 
to,  indeed  prevented  the  embarkation  of  the 
Lords  Say  and  Brook,  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  of 
Hampden,  Pym,  and  many  others,  who,  defpair- 
ing  of  recovering  their  civil  and  religious  lib- 
erty on  their  native  fliore,  had  determined  to 
fecure  it  by  a  retreat  to  the  New  World,  as  it 
was  then  called.  Patents  were  purchafed  by 
others,  within  a  mort  period  after  the  prefent, 
who  planted  the  thirteen  American  colonies 
with  a  fuccefsful  hand.  Many  circumftances 
concurred  to  awaken  the  fpirit  of  adventure, 
and  to  draw  out  men,  inured  to  fofter  habits,  to 
encounter  the  difficulties  and  dangers  of  plant- 
ing themfelves  and  families  in  the  wildernefs. 

*  Univerfal  Hiftoiy. 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

The  fpirit  of  party  had  thrown  accumulated 
advantages  into  the  hands  of  Charles  the  fecond, 
after  his  reftoration.  The  diviiions  and  ani- 
molities  at  court  rendered  it  more  eafy  for  him 
to  purfue  the  fame  fyftem  which  his  father  had 
adopted.  Amidft  the  rage  for  pleafure,  and  the 
licentious  manners  that  prevailed  in  his  court, 
the  complaifance  of  one  party,  the  fears  of  an- 
other, and  the  wearinefs  of  all,  of  the  diffenfions 
and  difficulties  that  had  arifen  under  the  pro- 
tectorihip  of  Cromwell,  facilitated  the  meafures 
of  the  high  monarchies,  who  continually  im- 
proved their  advantages  to  enhance  the  prerog- 
atives of  the  crown.  The  weak  and  bigoted 
conduct  of  his  brother  James  increafed  the 
general  uneaiinefs  of  the  nation,  until  his  abdi- 
cation. Thus,  through  every  fucceffive  reign 
of  this  line  of  the  Stuarts,  the  colonies  gained 
additional  ftrength,  by  continual  emigrations  to 
the  young  American  fettlements. 

The  firft  colony  of  Europeans,  permanently 
planted  in  North  America,  was  by  an  handful  of 
roving  ftrangers,  lickly,  and  neceffitated  to  de- 
bark on  the  firft  land,  where  there  was  any 
promife  of  a  quiet  fubfiftence.  Amidft  the 
defpotifm  of  the  firft  branch  of  the  houfe  of 
Stuart,  on  the  throne  of  Britain,  and  the  ec~ 
clefiaftical  perfecutions  in  England,  which  fent 
many  eminent  characters  abroad,  a  fmall  com- 
pany of  diflenters  from  the  national  eftablifh- 
ment  left  England,  under  the  paftoral  care  of 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

the  pious  and  learned  Mr.  Robinfon,  and  refided 
a  Ihort  time  in  Holland,  which  they  left  in  the 
beginning  of  autumn,  one  thouiand  fix  hun- 
dred and  twenty* 

After  a  long  and  hazardous  voyage,  they 
landed  on  the  borders  of  an  inhofpitable  wil- 
dernefs,  in  the  dreary  month  of  December, 
amidft  the  horrors  of  a  North  American  winter.* 
They  were  at  firft  received  by  the  favage  inhab- 
itants of  the  country  with  a  degree  of  fimple 
humanity  :  They  fmoked  with  them  the  calumet 
of  peace  ;  purchafed  a  tract  of  the  uncultivated 
wafte  ;  hutted  on  the  frozen  more,  flickered 
only  by  the  lofty  foreft,  thai  had  been  left  for 
ages  to  thicken  under  the  rude'hand  of  time. 
From  this  fmall  beginning  was  laid  the  ftable 
foundations  of  thofe  extenfive  fettlements,  that 
have  fince  fpread  over  the  faireft  quarter  of  the 
globe. 

Virginia,  indeed,  had  been  earlier  discovered 
by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  and  a  few  men  left  there 
by  him,  to  whom  additions  under  various  ad- 
venturers were  afterwards  made  ;  but,  by  a 
ieries  o^rnisfortunes  and  mifconducl,  the  plan- 
tation had  fallen  into  fuch  diforder  and  diftrefs, 
that  the  enterprife  was  abandoned.  The  fate 
of  thofe  left  there  by  this  great  and  good  man 
has  never  been  known  with  certainty:  It  is 

*  Appendix,  Note,  No.  I. 

VOL.  i.  B 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

probable  moft  of  them  were  murdered  by  the 
favages ;  and  the  remnant,  if  any  there  werey 
became  incorporated  with  the  barbarous  na- 
tions. 

There  was  afterwards  a  more  fuccefsful  effort 
for  the  fettlement  of  a  colony  in  Virginia.  In 
the  beginning  of  the  feventeenth  century  Lord 
Delaware  was  appointed  Governor,  and  with 
him  a  confiderable  number  of  emigrants  arrived 
from  England.  But  his  health  was  not  equal 
to  a  refidence  in  a  rude  and  uncultivated  wil- 
dernefs  ;  he  foon  returned  to  his  native  country, 
but  left  his  fon,  with  Sir  Thomas  Gates  and 
feveral  other  enterpriling  gentlemen,  who  pur- 
fued  the  project  of  an  efiablimment  in  Virginia, 
and  began  to  build  a  town  on  James-River,  in 
the  year  one  thoufand  fix  hundred  and  fix. 
Thus  was  that  ftate  entitled  to  the  prefcriptive 
term  of  the  Old  Dominion,  which  it  ftill  retains. 
But  their  difficulties,  misfortunes  and  difappoint- 
ments,  long  prevented  any  permanent  confti- 
tution  or  ftable  government,  and  they  fcarcely 
deferved  the  appellation  of  a  regular  colony, 
until  a  confiderable  time  after  the  fettlement  in 
Plymouth,  in  one  thoufand  fix  hundred  and 
twenty. 

4 

The  difcovery  of  the  New  World  had  opened 
a  wide  field  of  enterprife,  and  feveral  other  pre- 
vious attempts  had  been  made  by  Europeans  to 
obtain  fettlements  therein  ;  yet  little  of  a  per- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

manent  nature  was  effected,  until  the  patience 
and  perfeverance  of  the  Leyden  fufferers  laid 
the  foundation  of  focial  order. 

This  finall  company  of  fettlers,  after  wan- 
dering fome  time  on  the  frozen  more,  fixed 
themfelves  at  the  bottom  of  the  Maflachufetts 
Bay.  Though  difpirited  by  innumerable  dif- 
couraging  circumftances,  they  immediately  en- 
tered into  engagements  with  each  other  to  form 
themfelves  into  a  regular  fociety,  and  drew  up 
a  covenant,  by  which  they  bound  themfelves  to 
fubmit  to  order  and  fubordination. 

Their  jurifprudence  was  marked  with  wifdom 
and  dignity,  and  their  fimplicity  and  piety  were 
difplayed  equally  in  the  regulation  of  their 
police,  the  nature  of  their  contracts,  and  the 
punctuality  of  obfervance.  The  old  Plymouth 
colony  remained  for  fome  time  a  diftinct  gov- 
ernment. They  chofe  their  own  magiftrates, 
independent  of  all  foreign  control ;  but  a  few 
years  involved  them  with  the  Maflachufetts, 
of  which,  Bofton,  more  recently  fettled  than 
Plymouth,  was  the  capital. 

From  the  local  fituation  of  a  country,  fep- 
arated  by  an  ocean  of  a  thoufand  leagues  from 
the  parent  ftate,  and  furrounded  by  a  world  of 
favages,  an  immediate  compact  with  the  King 
of  Great  Britain  was  thought  neceflary.  Thus, 
a  charter  was  early  granted,  ftipulating  on  the 


12  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

part  of  the  crown,  that  the  MafTachufetts  mould 
have  a  legiflative  body  within  itfelf,  compofed 
of  three  branches,  and  fubjecl:  to  no  control, 
except  his  Majefty's  negative,  within  a  limited 
term,  to  any  laws  formed  by  their  affembly 
that  might  be  thought  to  militate  with  the  general 
intereft  of  the  realm  of  England.  The  Governor 
was  appointed  by  the  crown,  the  reprefentative 
body,  annually  chofen  by  the  people,  and  the 
council  elected  by  the  reprefentatives  from  the 
people  at  large. 

Though  more  liberal  charters  were  granted  to 
fome  of  the  colonies,  which,  after  the  firft  fettle- 
ment  at  Plymouth,  rapidly  fpread  over  the  face  of 
this  new  difcovered  country,  yet  modes  of  gov- 
ernment nearly  limilar  to  that  of  Maffachufetts 
were  eftabliihed  in  moft  of  them,  except  Mary- 
land and  Pennfylyania,  which  were  under  the 
direction  of  particular  proprietors.  But  the 
corrupt  principles  which  had  been  fafhionable  in 
the  voluptuous  and  bigoted  courts  of  the  Stu- 
arts, fpon  followed  the  emigrants  in  their  diftant 
retreat,  and  interrupted  the  eftablifhments  of 
their  civil  police ;  which,  it  may  £>e  obferved, 
were  a  mixture  of  Jewiih  theocracy,  monarchic 
government,  and  the  growing  principles  of 
republicanifm,  which  had  taken  root  in  Britain 
as  early  as  the  days  of  Elizabeth. 

It  foon  appeared  that  there  was  a  flrong  party 
in  England,  who  wiihed  to  govern  the  colonifts 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

with  a  rigorous  hand.  They  difcovered  their 
inclinations  by  repeated  attempts  to  procure  a 
revifion,  an  alteration,  and  a  refumption  of 
charters,  on  the  moft  frivolous  pretences. 

It  is  true,  an  indifcreet  zeal,  with  regard  to 
feveral  religious  fectaries,  which  had  early  in- 
troduced  themfelves  into  the  young  fettlements, 
gave  a  pretext  to  fome  feverities  from  the 
parent  ftate.  But  the  conduct  of  the  firft  plant- 
ers of  the  American  colonies  has  been  held  up 
by  fome  ingenious  writers  in  too  ludicrous  a 
light.  Yet  while  we  admire  their  perfevering 
and  felf-denying  virtues,  we  muft  acknowledge 
that  the  illiberality  and  weaknefs  of  fome  of 
their  municipal  regulations  have  caft  a  fliade 
over  the  memory  of  men,  whofe  errors  arofe 
more  from  the  fafhion  of  the  times,  and  the 
dangers  which  threatened  them  from  every  lide, 
than  from  any  deficiency  either  in  the  head  or 
the  heart.  But  the  treatment  of  the  Quakers 
in  the  Maflachufetts  can  never  be  juftified  either 
by  the  principles  of  policy  or  humanity.  *  The 
demeanor  of  thefe  people  was,  indeed,  in  many 
inftances,  not  only  ridiculous,  but  diforderly  and 

*  However  cenfurable  the  early  fettlers  in  New  England 
were,  in  their  feverities  towards  the  Quakers  and  other  non- 
conformifts,  they  might  think  their  conduft  in  fome  degree 
fandlioned  by  the  example  of  their  parent  ftate,  and  the 
rigours  exercifed  in  other  parts  of  the  European  world  at 
that  time,  againft  all  denominations  which  differed  from 
the  religious  eftablifhments  of  government. 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

atrocious  ;  yet  an  indelible  ftain  will  be  left  on 
the  names  of  thofe,  who  adjudged  to  imprifon- 
ment,  confifcation  and  death,  a  feel  made  con- 
fiderable  only  by  oppofition. 

In  the  ftory  of  the  fufferings  of  thefe  enthu- 
iiafts,  there  has  never  been  a  juft  difcrimination 
between  the  feclaries  denominated  Quakers, 
who  firfl  vifited  the  New  England  fettlements, 
and  the  affociates  of  the  celebrated  Penn,  who, 
having  received  a  patent  from  the  crown  of 
England,  fixed  his  relidence  on  the  borders  of 
the  Delaware.  He  there  reared,  with  aftonim- 
ing  rapidity,  a  flour  ifhing,  induftrious  colony,  on 
the  moft  benevolent  principles.  The  equality 
of  their  condition,  the  mildnefs  of  their  deport- 
ment, and  the  iimplicity  of  their  manners, 
encouraged  the  emigration  of  hufbandmen, 
artizans  and  manufacturers  from  all  parts  of 
Europe.  Thus  was  this  colony  fopn  raifed  to 
diftinguifhed  eminence,  though  under  a  propri- 
etary government.*  But  the  fecfories  that  in- 
fefted  the  more  eaftern  territory  were  generally 
loofe,  idle  and  refractory,  aiming  to  introduce 

*  Mr.  !Penn  published  a  fyftem  of  government,  on  which 
it  has  been  obferved,  "  that  the  introductory  piece  is  per- 
"haps  the  moft  extraordinary  compound  that  ever  was 
"published,  of  enthufiafm,  found  policy,  and  good  fenfe." 
The  author  tells  us,  "  It  was  adapted  to  the  great  end  of 
"  all  government,  viz.  to  fupport  power  in  reverence  with 
**  the  people,  and  to  fecure  the  people  from  the  abufe  of 
«  power,"  Mod.  Un,  Hid,  Vol.  41.  p.  5. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

confufion  and  licentioufnefs  rather  than  the 
eftablifhment  of  any  regular  fociety.  Excluded 
from  Bofton,  and  banifhed  the  Maffachufetts, 
they  repaired  to  a  neighboring  colony,  lefs 
tenacious  in  religious  opinion,  by  which  the 
growth  of  Rhode  Ifland  and  Providence  Planta- 
tions was  greatly  facilitated. 

The  fpirit  of  intolerance  in  the  early  ftages  of 
their  fettlements  was  not  confined  to  the  New 
England  puritans,  as  they  have  in  derifion  been 
flyled.  In  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  fome  other 
colonies,  where  the  votaries  of  the  church  of 
England  were  the  ftronger  party,  the  diiTenters 
of  every  defcription  were  perfecuted,  with  little 
lefs  rigour  than  had  been  experienced  by  the 
Quakers  from  the  Prefbyterians  of  the  Maffa- 
chufetts. An  act  patted  in  the  affembly  of  Vir- 
ginia, in  the  early  days  of  her  legiflation,  making 
it  penal  "  for  any  mailer  of  a  veffel  to  bring  a 
"  Quaker  into  the  province."  "  The  inhabitants 
"  were  inhibited  from  entertaining  any  perfon 
"  of  that  denomination.  They  were  imprifoned, 
"  banifhed,  and  treated  with  every  mark  of  fe- 
"  verity  fliort  of  death."* 

It  is  natural  to  fuppofe  a  fociety  of  men  who 
had  fuffered  fo  much  from  a  fpirit  of  religious 
bigotry,  would  have  ftretched  a  lenient  hand 
towards  any  who  might  differ  from  themfelves, 
either  in  mode  or  opinion,  with  regard  to  the 

*  Hiftory  of  Virginia. 


1G  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

worfhip  of  the  Deity.  But  from  a  ilrange 
propenlity  in  human  nature  to  reduce  every- 
thing within  the  vortex  of  their  own  ideas,  the 
fame  intolerant  and  perfecuting  fpirit,  from 
which  they  had  fo  recently  fled,  difcovered  itfelf 
in  thofe  bold  adventurers,  who  had  braved  the 
dangers  of  the  ocean  and  planted  themfelves  in 
a  wildernefs,  for  the  enjoyment  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty. 

In  the  cool  moments  of  reflection,  both  hu- 
manity and  philofophy  revolt  at  the  diabolical 
difpofition,  that  has  prevailed  in  almoft  every 
country,  to  perfecute  fuch  as  either  from  educa- 
tion or  principle,  from  caprice  or  cuftom,  refufe 
to  fubfcribe  to  the  religious  creed  of  thofe,  who, 
by  various  adventitious  circumltances,  have  ac-^ 
quired  a  degree  of  fuperiority  or  power. 

It  is  rational  to  believe  that  the  benevolent 
Author  of  nature  deiigned  univerfal  happinefs 
as  the  bails  of  his  works.  Nor  is  it  unphilo- 
fophical  to  fuppofe  the  difference  in  human 
fentiment,  and  the  variety  of  opinions  among 
mankind,  may  conduce  to  this  end.  They  may 
be  permitted,  in  order  to  improve  the  faculty 
of  thinking,  to  draw  out  the  powers  of  the 
mind,  to  exercife  the  principles  of  candor, 
and  learn  us  to  wait,  in  a  becoming  manner, 
the  full  difclofure  of  the  fyftem  of  divine  gov- 
ernment. Thus,  probably,  the  variety  in  the 
formation  of  the  human  foul  may  appear  to  be 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  17 

iuch,  as  to  have  rendered  it  impoflible  for  man- 
kind to  think  exactly  in  the  fame  channel.  The 
contemplative  and  liberal  minded  man  muft, 
therefore,  blufh  for  the  weaknefs  of  his  own 
fpecies,  when  he  fees  any  of  them  endeavouring 
to  circumfcribe  the  limits  of  virtue  and  happi- 
nefs  within  his  own  contracted  fphere,  too  often 
darkened  by  fuperftition  and  bigotry. 

The  modern  improvements  in  fociety,  and 
the  cultivation  of  reafon,  which  has  fpread  its 
benign  influence  over  both  the  European  and 
the  American  world,  have  nearly  eradicated 
this  perfecuting  fpirit ;  and  we  look  back,  in 
both  countries,  mortified  and  afhamed  of  the 
illiberality  of  our  anceftors..  Yet  fuch  is  the 
elaflicity  of  the  human  mind,  that  when  it  has 
been  long  bent  beyond  a  certain  line  of  propri- 
ety, it  frequently  flies  off  to  the  oppofite  extreme. 
Thus  there  may  be  danger,  that  in  the  enthu- 
fiafm  for  toleration,  indifference  to  all  religion 
may  take  place.*  Perhaps  few  will  deny  that 
religion,  viewed  merely  in  a  political  light,  is 
after  all  the  beft  cement  of  fociety,  the  great 
barrier  of  juft  government,  and  the  only  cer- 

*  Since  thefe  annals  were  written  this  obfervation  has 
been  fully  verified  in  the  impious  fentiments  and  conduft 
of  feveral  members  of  the  national  Convention  of  France, 
who,  after  the  diflblution  of  monarchy,  and  the  abolition, 
of  the  privileged  orders,  were  equally  zealous  for  the  de- 
ftru&ion  of  the  altars  of  God,  and  the  annihilation  of  all 
religion. 

VOL.  i.  e 


18  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

tain  reftraint  of  the  paflions,  thofe  dangerous 
inlets  to  licentioufnefs  and  anarchy. 

It  has  been  obferved  by  an  ingenious  wri- 
ter, that  there  are  profelytes  from  atheifm,  but 
none  from  fuperftition.  Would  it  not  be  more 
juft  to  reverfe  the  obfervation  ?  The  narrow- 
nefs  of  fuperftition  frequently  wears  off,  by  an 
intercourfe  with  the  world,  and  the  fubje&s 
become  ufeful  members  of  fociety.  But  the 
hardinefs  of  atheifm  fets  at  defiance  both  hu- 
man and  divine  laws,  until  the  man  is  loft 
to  himfelf  and  to  the  world. 

A  curfory  furvey  of  the  religious  ftate  of 
America,  in  the  early  ftages  of  colonization,  re- 
quires no  apology.  It  is  neceffary  to  obferve, 
the  animoiities  which  arofe  among  themfelves 
on  external  forms  of  worfhip,  and  different 
modes  of  thinking,  were  moft  unfortunate  cir- 
cumftances  for  the  infant  fettlements ;  more 
efpecially  while  kept  in  continual  alarm  by  the 
natives  of  the  vaft  uncultivated  wilds,  who  foon 
grew  jealous  of  their  new  inmates.  It  is  true, 
that  Maffafoit,  the  principal  chief  of  the  north, 
had  received  the  ftrangers  with  the  fame  mild- 
nefs  and  hofpitality  that  marked  the  conduct  of 
Montezuma  at  the  fouth,  on  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards  in  his  territories.  Perhaps  the  differ- 
ent demeanor  of  their  fons,  Philip  and  Guati- 
mozin,  was  not  the  refult  of  more  hoftile  or 
heroic  difpolitions  than  their  fathers  poffeffed. 
It  more  probably  arofe  from  an  appreheniion  of 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  19 

the  invafion  of  their  rights,  after  time  had  giv- 
en them  a  more  perfect  knowledge  of  the  tem- 
per of  their  guefts. 

It  may  be  a  miftake,  that  man^  in  a  ftate  of  na- 
ture, is  more  difpofed  to  cruelty  than  courtefy. 
Many  inftances  might  be  adduced  to  prove  the 
contrary.  But  when  once  awakened  to  fufpif 
cion,  that  either  his  life  or  his  intereft  is  in  dan* 
ger,  all  the  black  paffions  of  the  mind,  with 
revenge  in  their  rear,  rife  up  in  array.*  It  is 
an  undoubted  truth,  that  both  the  rude  favage 
and  the  polifhed  citizen  are  equally  tenacious  of 
their  pecuniary  acquiiitions.  And  however 
mankind  may  have  trifled  away  liberty,  virtue, 
religion,  or  life,  yet  when  the  firft  rudiments  of 
fociety  have  been  eftablifhed,  the  right  of  pri- 
vate property  has  been  held  facred.  For  an 
attempt  to  invade  the  poffeffions  each  one  de- 
nominates his  own,  whether  it  is  made  by  the 
rude  hand  of  the  favage,  or  by  the  refinements 
of  ancient  or  modern  policy,  little  fhort  of  the 
blood  of  the  aggreffor  has  been  thought  a  fuf- 
ficient  atonement.  Thus,  the  purchafe  of  their 
commodities,  the  furs  of  the  foreft,  and  the 
alienation  of  their  lands  for  trivial  confidera- 
tions  ;  the  affumed  fuperiority  of  the  Euro- 
peans 5  their  knowledge  of  arts  and  war,  and 

*  A  celebrated  writer  has  obferved,  that  "  moral  evil 
"  is  foreign  to  man,  as  well  as  phyfical  evil ;  that  both  the 
"  one  and  the  other  fpring  up  out  of  deviations  from  the  law 
<«  of  nature." 


20  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  i.  perhaps  their  fupercilious  deportment  towards 
the  aborigines  might  awaken  in  them  juft  fears 
of  extermination.  Nor  is  it  ftrange  that  the 
natural  principle  of  felf-defence  operated  ftrong- 
ly  in  their  minds,  and  urged  them  to  hoftilities 
that  often  reduced  the  young  colonies  to  the 
utmoft  danger  and  diftrefs. 

But  the  innumerable  {warms  of  the  wilder- 
nefs,  who  were  not  driven  back  to  the  vaft 
interior  region,  were  foon  fwept  off  by  the 
fword  or  by  {icknefs,  which  remarkably  raged 
among  them  about  the  time  of  the  arrival  of 
the  Englim.*  The  few  who  remained  were  qui- 
eted by  treaty  or  by  conqueft :  after  which,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  American  colonies  lived  many 
years  perhaps  as  near  the  point  of  felicity  as  the 
condition  of  human  nature  will  admit. 

The  religious  bigotry  of  the  firfl  planters,  and 
the  temporary  ferments  it  had  occafioned,  fubfid- 
ed,  and  a  fpirit  of  candor  and  forbearance  every 
where  took  place.  They  feemed,  previous  to 
the  rupture  with  Britain,  to  have  acquired  that 
juft  and  happy  medium  between  the  ferocity  of 

*  The  Plymouth  fettlers  landed  the  twenty-fee ond  of 
December,  but  faw  not  an  Indian  until  the  thirty-firft  of 
January.  This  was  afterwards  accounted  for  by  the  in- 
formation of  Samofet,  an  Indian  chief  who  vifited  them, 
and  told  them  the  natives  on  the  borders  had  been  all 
fwept  away  by  a  peftilence  that  raged  among  them  three 
or  four  years  before. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

a  ftate  of  nature,  and  thofe  high  ftages  of  civili- 
zation and  refinement,  that  at  once  corrupt  the 
heart  and  fap  the  foundation  of  happinefs.  The 
fobriety  of  their  manners  and  the  purity  of 
their  morals  were  exemplary  ;  their  piety  and 
hofpitality  engaging ;  and  the  equal  and  lenient 
administration  of  their  government  fecured  au- 
thority, fubordination,  juftice,  regularity  and 
peace.  A  well-informed  yeomanry  and  an  en- 
lightened peafantry  evinced  the  early  attention 
of  the  firft  fettlers  to  domeftic  education.  Pub- 
lic fchools  were  eftablifhed  in  every  town,  par- 
ticularly in  the  eaftern  provinces,  and  as  early 
as  one  thoufand  fix  hundred  and  thirty-eight, 
Harvard  College  was  founded  at  Cambridge.* 

In  the  fouthern  colonies,  it  is  true,  there  was 
not  that  general  attention  to  early  inftruc"Uon ; 
the  children  of  the  opulent  planters  only  were 
educated  in  England,  while  the  lefs  affluent 
were  neglected,  and  the  common  clafs  of  whites 
had  little  education  above  their  Haves.  Both 
knowledge  and  property  were  more  equally 
divided  in  the  colder  regions  of  the  north  ;  con- 
fequently  a  fpirit  of  more  equal  liberty  was 
diffufed.  While  the  almoft  fpontaneous  har- 
vefts  of  the  warmer  latitudes,  the  great  number 
of  Haves  thought  neceflary  to  fecure  their  pro- 

*  The  elegant  St.  Pierre  has  obferved,  that  there  are 
three  periods  through  which  moft  nations  pafs  ;  the  firft 
below  nature,  in  the  fecond  they  come  up  to  her,  and  in 
the  third,  go  beyond  her. 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

duce,  and  the  eafy  acquifition  of  fortune,  nour- 
ilhed  more  ariitocratic  principles.  Perhaps  it 
may  be  true,  that  wherever  flavery  is  encour- 
aged, there  are  among  the  free  inhabitants  very 
high  ideas  of  liberty  ;  though  not  fo  much 
from  a  fenfe  of  the  common  rights  of  man,  as 
from  their  own  feelings  of  fuperiority. 

f  Democratic  principles  are  the  refult  of  equal- 
J  ity  of  condition.  A  fuperfluity  of  wealth,  and 
a  train  of  domeftic  Haves,  naturally  banim  a 
fenfe  of  general  liberty,  and  nourifh  the  feeds 
of  that  kind  of  independence  that  ufually  ter- 
minates in  ariftocracy.  Yet  all  America,  from 
the  firft  emigrants  to  the  prefent  generation,  felt 
an  attachment  to  the  inhabitants,  a  regard  to 
the  intereft,  and  a  reverence  for  the  laws  and 
government  of  England.  Thofe  writers  who 
have  obferved,  that  "  thefe  principles  had  fcarce- 
"  ly  any  exiflence  in  the  colonies  at  the  com- 
"  mencement  of  the  late  war,"  have  certainly 
miftaken  the  character  of  their  country. 

But  unhappily  both  for  Great  Britain  and 
America,  the  encroachments  of  the  crown  had 
gathered  ftrength  by  time ;  and  after  the  fuc- 
cefles,  the  glory,  and  the  demife  of  George  the 
fecond,  the  fceptre  defcended  to  a  prince,  bred 
under  the  aufpices  of  a  Scotch  nobleman  of  the 
houfe  of  Stuart.  Nurtured  in  all  the  inflated 
ideas  of  kingly  prerogative,  furrounded  by  flat- 
terers and  dependants,  who  always  fwarm  in 


THE    AiMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  23 

the  purlieus  of  a  palace,  this  mifguided  fove-  CH-' 
reign,  dazzled  with  the  acquifition  of  empire,  in 
the  morning  of  youth,  and  in  the  zenith  of 
national  profperity  ;  more  obftinate  than  cruel, 
rather  weak  than  remarkably  wicked,  confider- 
ed  an  oppofition  to  the  mandates  of  his  minif- 
ters,  as  a  crime  of  too  daring  a  nature  to  hope 
for  the  pardon  of  royalty. 

Lord  Bute,  who  from  the  preceptor  of  the 
prince  in  the  years  of  pupilage,  had  become  the 
director  of  the  monarch  on  the  throne  of  Brit- 
ain, found  it  not  difficult,  by  that  fecret  influ- 
ence ever  exercifed  by  a  favorite  minifter,  to 
bring  over  a  majority  of  the  houfe  of  commons 
to  co-operate  with  the  deiigns  of  the  crown. 
Thus  the  parliament  of  England  became  the 
mere  creature  of  adminiftration,  and  appeared 
ready  to  leap  the  boundaries  of  juftice,  and  to 
undermine  the  pillars  of  their  own  conftitution, 
by  adhering  ftedfaftly  for  feveral  years  to  a  com- 
plicated fyftem  of  tyranny,  that  threatened  the 
new  world  with  a  yoke  unknown  to  their 
fathers. 

It  had  ever  been  deemed  effential  to  the 
prefervation  of  the  boafted  liberties  of  Englifh- 
men,  that  no  grants  of  monies  Ihould  be  made, 
by  tolls,  talliage,  excife,  or  any  other  way,  with- 
out the  confent  of  the  people  by  their  reprefent- 
ative  voice.  Innovation  in  a  point  fo  interefting 
might  well  be  expected  to  create  a  general  fer- 


24  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

ment  through  the  American  provinces.  Num- 
berlefs  reftridions  had  been  laid  on  the  trade  of 
the  colonies  previous  to  this  period,  and  every 
method  had  been  taken  to  check  their  enter- 
prifing  fpirit,  and  to  prevent  the  growth  of  their 
manufactures.  Nor  is  it  furprifing,  that  loud 
complaints  mould  be  made  when  heavy  exac- 
tions were  laid  on  the  fubject,  who  had  not,  and 
whofe  local  fituation  rendered  it  impracticable 
that  he  mould  have,  an  equal  reprefentation  in 
parliament. 

What  ftill  heightened  the  refentment  of  the 
Americans,  in  the  beginning  of  the  great  con- 
teft,  was  the  reflection,  that  they  had  not  only 
always  fupported  their  own  internal  government 
with  little  expenfe  to  Great  Britain  ;  but  while 
a  friendly  union  exifted,  they  had,  on  all  occa- 
lions,  exerted  their  utmoft  ability  to  comply 
with  every  conftitutional  requifition  from  the 
parent  ftate.  We  need  not  here  revert  further 
back  than  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  George 
the  third,  to  prove  this,  though  earlier  inftances 
might  be  adduced. 

The  extraordinary  exertions  of  the  colonies, 
in  co-operation  with  Britim  meafures,  againil 
the  French,  in  the  late  war,  were  acknowledged 
by  the  Britim  parliament  to  be  more  than  ad- 
equate to  their  ability.  After  the  fuccefsful 
expedition  to  Louifburg,  in  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  forty-five,  the  fum  of  two  hundred 


fHE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  25 

thoufand  pounds  fterling  was  voted  by  the  com-    CHAP- L 
mons,  as  a  compenfation  to  fome  of  the  colonies 
for  their  vigorous  efforts,  which  were  carried 
beyond  their  proportional  ftrength,  to  aid  the 
expedition. 

Not  contented  with  the  voluntary  aids  they 
had  from  time  to  time  received  from  the  col- 
onies, and  grown  giddy  with  the  luftre  of  their 
own  power,  in  the  plenitude  of  human  grandeur, 
to  which  the  nation  had  arrived  in  the  long  and 
fuccefsful  reign  of  George  the  fecond,  fuch  weak, 
impolitic  and  unjuft  meafures  were  purfued,  on 
the  acceflion  of  his  grandfon,  as  foon  threw  the 
whole  empire  into  the  moft  violent  convulfions. 

A  more  particular  narrative  of  the  firft  fet- 
tlement  of  America ;  their  wars  with  the 
natives  ;  their  diftreffes  at  home  ;  their  per- 
plexities abroad ;  and  their  difputes  with  the 
parent  ftate,  relative  to  grants,  charters,  privi- 
leges and  limits,  may  be  feen  in  the  accounts 
of  every  hiftorical  writer  on  the  ftate  of  the 
colonies.*  As  this  is  not  comprehended  in  the 
defign  of  the  prefent  work,  the  reader  is  referred 
to  more  voluminous,  or  more  minute  defcrip- 
tions  of  the  events  preceding  the  tranfadtions, 
which  brought  forward  a  revolution,  that  eman- 

*  Thefe  refearches  have  been  fatisfaftorily  made  by 
feveral  literary  gentlemen,  whofe  talents  were  equal  to  the 
taik. 

VOL.  I.  T> 


26  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP  t.  dpated  the  colonies  from  the  domination  of  the 
fceptre  of  Britain.  This  is  a  ftory  of  fo  much 
intereft  to  the  minds  of  every  fon  and  daughter 
of  America,  endowed  with  the  ability  of  reflect- 
ing, that  they  will  not  reluctantly  haften  to  the 
detail  of  tranfactions,  that  have  awakened  the 
attention  and  expectation  of  the  millions  among 
the  nations  beyond  the  Atlantic. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  Stamp-Aft — A  Congrefs  convened  at  New- York, 
One  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fixty-five. — The 
Stamp-Aft  repealed. — New  Grievances. — Sufpenfion 
of  the  I^egiflature  of  New  York. 

1  HE  projeft  of  an  American  taxation  might 
have  been  longer  meditated,  but  the  memorable 
era  of  the  ftamp-acl,  in  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  fixty-four,  was  the  firft  innovation 
that  gave  a  general  alarm  throughout  the  conti- 
nent. By  this  extraordinary  aft,  a  certain  duty 
was  to  be  levied  on  all  bonds,  bills  of  lading, 
public  papers,  and  writings  of  every  kind,  for 
the  exprefs  purpofe  of  raiting  a  revenue  to  the 
crown.  As  foon  as  this  intelligence  was  tranf* 
mitted  to  America,  an  univerfal  murmur  fuc- 
ceeded  ;  and  while  the  judicious  and  penetrating 
thought  it  time  to  make  a  refolute  ftand  againft 
the  encroachments  of  power,  the  refentment  of 
the  lower  clafles  broke  out  into  fuch  exceffes  of 
riot  and  tumult,  as  prevented  the  operation 
of  the  favorite  project. 

Multitudes  aflembled  in  the  principal  towns 
and  cities,  and  the  popular  torrent  bore  down 
all  before  it.  The  houfes  of  fome,  who  were 
the  avowed  abettors  of  the  meafure,  and  of 
others,  who  were  only  fufpefted  as  inimical  to 
the  liberties  of  America,  in  Bofton,  in  Newport, 


28  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

Connecticut,  and  many  other  places,  were  rafed 
to  the  ground.  The  commiffioners  of  the  ftamp- 
office  were  every  where  compelled  to  renounce 
their  employments,  and  to  enter  into  the  moft 
folemn  engagements  to  make  no  further  attempts 
to  act  in  this  obnoxious  buiinefs.  At  New  York 
the  acl:  was  printed,  and  cried  about  the  ftreets, 
under  the  title  of  "  The  folly  of  England,  and  the 
"ruin  of  America  "  In  Philadelphia  the  cannon 
were  fpiked  up,  and  the  bells  of  the  city,  muf- 
fled, tolled  from  morning  to  evening,  and  every 
teftimony  of  iincere  mourning  was  difplayed,  on 
the  arrival  of  the  ftamp  papers.  Nor  were  any 
of  the  more  fouthern  colonies  lefs  oppofed  to 
the  operation  of  this  acl: ;  and  the  houfe  of  Bur- 
geffes,  in  Virginia,  was  the  firft  who  formally 
refolved  againft  the  encroachments  of  power, 
and  the  unwarrantable  deiigns  of  the  Britifli 
parliament. 

The  novelty  of  their  procedure,  and  the 
boldnefs  of  fpirit  that  marked  the  refolutions 
of  that  aflembly,  at  once  aftonifhed  and  difcon- 
certed  the  officers  of  the  crown,  and  the  fup- 
porters  of  the  meafures  of  adminiftration. 
Thefe  refolves*  were  ufhered  into  the  houfe, 
on  the  thirtieth  of  May,  one  thoufand,  feven 
hundred  and  lixty-five,  by  Patrick  Henry,  efq. 
a  young  gentleman  of  the  law,  till  then  unknown 
in  political  life.  He  was  a  man,  pofTeffed 
of  ftrong  powers,  much  profeffional  knowledge, 

*  Appendix,  Note,  No.  II. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  29 

and  of  fuch  abilities  as  qualified  him  for  the  CHAP  "• 
exigencies  of  the  day.  Fearlefs  of  the  cry  of 
*  treafon*  echoed  againft  him  from  feveral  quar- 
ters, he  juftified  the  meafure,  and  fupported  the 
refolves,  in  a  fpeech,  that  did  honor  both  to 
his  underftanding,  and  his  patriotifm.  The 
governor,  to  check  the  progrefs  of  fuch  daring 
principles,  immediately  diffolved  the  affembly. 

But  the  difpofition  of  the  people  was  difcov- 
ered,  when,  on  a  new  election,  thofe  gentlemen  1764. 
were  every  where  re-chofen,  who  had  ihewn 
the  moft  firmnefs  and  zeal,  in  oppofition  to  the 
ftamp-act.  Indeed,  from  New  Hampihire  to 
the  Carolinas,  a  general  averiion  appeared  againft 
this  experiment  of  adminiftration.  Nor  was 
the  flame  confined  to  the  continent  ;  it  had 
fpread  to  the  infular  regions,  whofe  inhabitants, 
conftitutionally  more  fanguine  than  thofe  born 
in  colder  climates,  difcovered  ftronger  marks  of 
refentment,  and  prouder  tokens  of  difobedience 
to  minifterial  authority.  Thus  feveral  of  the 
Weft  India  iflands  mewed  equal  violence,  in  the 
deftrudiion  of  the  ftamp  papers,  difguft  at  the 
aft,  and  indignation  towards  the  officers  who 
were  bold  enough  to  attempt  its  execution. 
Nor  did  they  at  this  period  appear  lels  deter- 
mined to  refill  the  operation  of  all  unconfti- 
tutional  mandates,  than  the  generous  planters 
of  the  fouthern,  or  the  independent  fpirits 
of  the  northern  colonies. 


30  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP-IL  When  the  general    affembly  of   the  Mafia-. 

1764f.  chufetts  met  this  year,  it  appeared  that  moft  of 
the  members  of  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  had 
inftrudions  from  their  conftituents  to  make 
every  legal  and  fpirited  oppofition  to  the  diftri- 
bution  of  the  ftamped  papers,  to  the  execution 
of  the  act  in  any  form,  and  to  every  other  par- 
liamentary infringement  on  the  rights  of  the 
people  of  the  colonies.  A  fpecimen  of  the  fpirit 
of  the  times  may  be  feen  in  a  {ingle  inftance  of 
thofe  inftructions,  which  were  given  to  the  rep- 
refentative  of  the  town  of  Plymouth,  the  capital 
of  the  old  colony.*  Similar  meafures  were 
adopted  in  moft  of  the  other  provinces.  In 
confequence  of  which,  petitions  from  the  re- 
fpeftive  affemblies,  replete  with  the  ftrongeft 
expreffions  of  loyalty  and  affection  to  the  king, 
and  a  regard  to  the  Britifh  nation,  were  pre- 
fented  to  his  majefty,  through  the  hands  of  the 
colonial  agents. 

The  ferment  was  however  too  general,  and  the 
fpirits  of  the  people  too  much  agitated,  to  wait 
patiently  the  refult  of  their  own  applications. 
So  univerfal  was  the  refentment  and  difcontent 
of  the  people,  that  the  more  judicious  and  difr 
creet  characters  were  exceedingly  apprehenfive 
that  the  general  clamor  might  terminate  in  the 
extremes  of  anarchy.  Heavy  duties  had  been 
laid  on  all  goods  imported  from  fuch  of  the  Weft 
India  iflands  as  did  not  belong  to  Great  Britain* 

*  See  Appendix,  Note,  No.  III. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  31 

Thefe  duties  were  to  be  paid  into  the  exchequer,    CHAP-n- 
and  all  penalties  incurred,  were  to  be  recovered      1764.. 
in  the  courts  of  vice-admiralty,  by  the  determi- 
nation of  a  {ingle  judge,  without  trial  by  jury, 
and  the  judge's  falary  was  to  be  paid  out  of  the 
fruits  of  the  forfeiture. 

All  remonftrances  againft  this  innovating 
fyftem  had  hitherto  been  without  effect ;  and 
in  this  period  of  fufpenfe,  appreheniion  and  anx- 
iety, a  general  congrefs  of  delegates  from  the 
feveral  provinces  was  propofed  by  the  honorable 
James  Otis,  of  Barnftable,  in  the  Maffachufetts. 
He  was  a  gentleman  of  great  probity,  experience, 
and  parliamentary  abilities,  whofe  religious  ad- 
herence to  the  rights  of  his  country  had  diftin- 
guifhed  him  through  a  long  courfe  of  years,  in 
which  he  had  fuftained  fome  of  the  firft  offices 
in  government.  This  propofal,  from  a  man  of 
his  acknowledged  judgment,  difcretion  and 
firmnefs,  was  universally  pleafmg.  The  meafure 
was  communicated  to  fome  of  the  principal 
members  of  the  two  houfes  of  affembly,  and 
immediately  adopted,  not  only  by  the  Maffa- 
chufetts, but  very  foon  after  by  moft  of  the  other 
colonies.  Thus  originated  the  firft  congrefs 
ever  convened  in  America  by  the  united  voice 
of  the  people,  in  order  to  juftify  their  claims  to 
the  rights  of  Englifhmen,  and  the  privileges  of 
the  Britifli  conftitution. 


32  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

It  has  been  obferved  that  Virginia  and  the 
1764.  Maffachufetts  made  the  firft  oppoiition  to  par- 
liamentary meafures,  on  different  grounds.  The 
Virginians,  in  their  refolves,  came  forward,  con- 
fcious  of  their  own  independence,  and  at  once 
afferted  their  rights  as  men.  The  Maffachufetts 
generally  founded  their  claims  on  the  rights  of 
Britifh  fubjects,  and  the  privileges  of  their  Eng- 
liih  anceftors  ;  but  the  era  was  not  far  diftant, 
when  the  united  colonies  took  the  fame  ground, 
the  claim  of  native  independence,  regardlefs  of 
charters  or  foreign  reftridions. 

At  a  period  when  the  tafte  and  opinions  of 
Americans  were  comparatively  pure  and  iimple, 
while  they  poffeffed  that  independence  and  dig- 
nity of  mind,  which  is  loft  only  by  a  multiplicity 
of  wants  and  interefts,  new  fcenes  were  open- 
ing, beyond  the  reach  of  human  calculation. 
At  this  important  criiis,  the  delegates  appointed 
from  feveral  of  the  colonies,  to  deliberate  on  the 
lowering  afpecl:  of  political  affairs,  met  at  New 
York,  on  the  firil  Tuefday  of  Odober,  one 
thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fixty-five»* 

The  moderate  demands  of  this  body,  and 
the  fhort  period  of  its  exiftence,  elifcovered  at 
once  the  affedionate  attachment  of  its  members  t 

*  Several  of  the  colonies  were  prevented  fending  dele- 
gates to  the  congrefs  at  New  York,  by  the  royal  governors, 
who  would  not  permit  the  aflemblies  to  meet, 
f  See  Appendix,  Note,  No.  IV. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  33 


to  the  parent  ftate  and  their  dread  of  a  general 
rupture,  which  at  that  time  univerfally  pre-  ^ 
vailed.  They  {tared  their  claims  as  fubje&s  to 
the  crown  of  Great  Britain  ;  appointed  agents 
to  enforce  them  in  the  national  councils  ;  and 
agreed  on  petitions  for  the  repeal  of  the  {tamp- 
act,  which  had  ibwn  the  feeds  of  difcord 
throughout  the  colonies.  The  prayer  of  their 
conftituents  was,  in  a  fpirited,  yet  refpeclful 
manner,  offered  through  them  to  the  king, 
lords,  and  commons  of  Great  Britain  :  they 
then  feparated,  to  wait  the  event.* 

A  majority  of  the  principal  merchants  of  the 
city  of  London,  the  opulent  Weft  India  pro- 
prietors who  relided  iu  England,  and  moft  of 
the  manufacturing  towns  through  the  king- 
dom, accompanied  with  iimilar  petitions,  thofe 
offered  by  the  congrefs  convened  at  New  York* 
In  confequence  of  the  general  averfion  to  the 
{tamp-act,  the  Britim  miniftry  were  changed  in 
appearance,  though  the  fame  men  who  had  fab- 
ricated the  American  fyftem,  ftill  retained  their 
influence  on  the  mind  of  the  king,  and  in  the 
councils  of  the  nation.  The  parliamentary  de- 
bates of  the  winter  of  one  thoufand  feven  hun-  " 

1  *7  f\(\ 

dred  and  fixty-fix,  evinced  the  important  con- 
fequences  expected  from  the  decifion  of  the 
queftion,  relative  to  an  American  taxation. 

*  See  their  petition  in  the  records  of  the  congrefs  gt 
New  York,  in  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  Hxty-five* 
VOL,  I>  E 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

Warm  and  fpirited  arguments  in  favor  of  the 
_  meafure,  energetic  reafonings  againft  it,  with 

many  farcaftic  ftrokes  on  adminiftration,  from 
fome  of  the  prime  orators  in  parliament,  inte* 
refted  the  hearers  of  every  rank  and  defcription. 
Finally,  in  order  to  quiet  the  public  mind,  the 
execution  of  \hzftamp-afl:  was  pronounced  inexpe- 
dient by  a  majority  of  the  houfe  of  commons,  and 
a  bill  paffed  for  its  repeal  on  March  the  eight- 
eenth, one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fixty-fix. 
But  a  elaufe  was  infer  ted  therein,  holding  up  a 
parliamentary  right  to  make  laws  binding  on 
the  colonies  in  all  cafes  whatfoever  :  and  a  kind 
of  condition  was  tacked  to  the  repeal,  that  com- 
penfation  mould  be  made  to  all  who  had  fuf- 
fered,  either  in  perfon  or  property,  by  the  late 
riotous  proceedings. 

A  fhort-lived  joy  was  diffufed  throughout 
America,  even  by  this  deluiive  appearance  of 
lenity  :  the  people  of  every  defcription  manifeft*- 
ed  the  ftrongeft  defire^  that  harmony  might  be 
re-eftablimed  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
colonies.  Bonfires,  illuminations,  and  all  the 
ufual  expreffions  of  popular  fatisfa&ion,  were 
difplayed  On  the  joyful  occafion :  yet,  amidft 
the  demonftrations  of  this  lively  gratitude, 
there  were  fome  who  had  fagacity  enough  to 
fee,  that  the  Britifh  miniftry  was  not  fo  much 
inftigated  by  principles  of  equity,  as  impelled  by 
neceflity.  Thefe  deemed  any  relaxation  in  par^ 
liament  an  ad  of  juftice,  rather  than  favor  ;  and 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  S3 

felt  more  refentment  for  the  manner,  than  ob-    CHAP.H. 
ligation  for  the  defign,  of  this   partial   repeal.    T     4    ^ 
Their  opinion  was  fully  juftified  by  the  fubfe- 
quent  conduct  of  adminiftration, 

When   the   affembly   of  Maffachufetts   met    — — 

1»T/?»-T 

the  fucceeding  winter,  there  feemed  to  prevail 
a  general  difpoiition  for  peace  :  the  fenfe  of  in- 
jury was  checked ;  and  fuch  a  fpirit  of  affection 
and  loyalty  appeared,  that  the  two  houfes  agreed 
to  a  bill  for  compenfation  to  all  fufferers,  in  the 
late  times  of  confufion  and  riot.  But  they  were 
careful  not  to  recognize  a  right  in  parliament  to 
make  fuch  a  recjuifition  :  they  ordered  it  to  be 
entered  on  the  journals  of  the  houfe,  that  "  for 
"  the  fake  of  internal  peace,  they  waved  all  de- 
"bate  and  controverfy,  though  perfuaded,  the 
u  delinquent  fufterers  had  no  juft  claim  on  the 
"  province  :  that,  influenced  by  a  loyal  regard 
"  to  his  majefty's  recommendation,  (not  confid- 
"  ering  it  as  a  requiiition  ;)  and  that,  from  a 
96  deference  to  the  opinions  of  fome  illuftrious 
w  patrons  of  America,  in  the  houfe  of  commons, 
"  who  had  urged  them  to  a  compliance  :  They 
"  therefore  acceded  to  the  propofkl  ;  though,  at 
cc  the  fame  time,  they  coniidered  it  a  very  rep- 
"  rehenfible  ftep  in  thofe  who  had  fuffered,  to 
"  apply  for  relief  to  the  parliament  of  Britain, 
"  inftead  o|  fubmitting  to  the  juflice  and  clem- 
"  ency  of  their  own  legiflature." 

They  made  feveral  other  juft  and  fevere  ob- 
fervations  on  the  high-toned  fpeech  of  the  gov- 


fi£  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS     OF 

CHAP.  IL  £rnor,  who  had  faid,  u  that  the  requilition  of 
"~  7  "  the  miniftry  was  founded  on  fo  much  juftice 
*c  and  humanity,  that  it  could  not  be  contro- 
' "  verted."  They  inquired,  if  the  authority  with 
which  he  introduced  the  ininifterial  demand, 
precluded  all  difputation  about  complying  with 
it,  what  freedom  of  choice  they  had  left  in  the 
cafe  ?  They  faid,  "  With  regard  to  the  reft  of 
"  your  excellency's  fpeech,  we  are  conftrained 
"  to  obferve,  that  the  general  air  and  ftyle  of  it 
"  favors  much  more  of  an  acl:  of  free  grace  and 
"  pardon,  than  of  a  parliamentary  addrefs  to  the 
"  two  houfes  of  affembly :  and  we  moft  lincerely 
"  wifh  your  excellency  had  been  pleafed  to  re- 
V  ferve  it,  if  needful,  for  a  proclamation."  . 

In  the  bill  for  compenfation  by  the  aflembly 
of  Mafiachufetts,  was  added  a  very  offenfive 
claufe.  A  general  pardon  and  oblivion  was 
granted  to  all  offenders  in  the  late  confuiion, 
tumults  and  riots.  An  exacl  detail  of  thefe 
proceedings  was  tranfmitted  to  England.  The 
king  and  council  difallowed  the  acl:,  as  comprif- 
ing  in  it  a  bill  of  indemnity  to  the  Bofton  riot- 
ers ;  and  ordered  compenfation  made  to  the  late 
fufferers,  without  any  fupplementary  conditions. 
No  notice  was  taken  of  this  order,  nor  any  alter- 
ation made  in  the  act.  The  money  was  drawn 
from  the  treafury  of  the  province  t|  fatisfy  the 
claimants  for  compenfation  ;  and  no  farther  in- 
quiries were  made  relative  to  the  authors  of  the 
late  tumultuary  proceedings  of  the  times,  wh,en 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  $7 

the  minds  of  men  had  been  wrought  up  to  a    CHAP  n 
ferment,  beyond  the  reach  of  all  legal  reltraint. 


176' 


The  year  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and 
iixty-fix  had  palled  over  without  any  other  re- 
markable political  events.  All  colonial  meafures 
agitated  in  England,  were  regularly  tranfmitted 
by  the  minifter  for  the  American  department 
to  the  feveral  plantation  governors  ;  who,  on 
every  communication,  endeavoured  to  enforce 
the  operation  of  parliamentary  authority,  by  the 
moft  fanguine  injunctions  of  their  own,  and  a 
magnificent  difplay  of  royal  refentment,  on  the 
fmalleft  token  of  difobedience  to  minifterial  re- 
quifitions.  But  it  will  appear,  that  through  a 
long  feries  of  refolves  and  meffages,  letters  and 
petitions,  which  palled  between  the  parties,  pre- 
vious to  the  commencement  of  hoftilities,  the 
watchful  guardians  of  American  freedom  never 
loft  light  of  the  intrigues  of  their  enemies,  or 
the  mifchievous  deligns  of  fuch  as  were  under 
the  influence  of  the  crown,  on  either  lide  the 
Atlantic. 

It  may  be  obferved,  that  the  tranquillity  of  the 
provinces  had  for  fome  time  been  interrupted 
by  the  innovating  fpirit  of  the  Britilh  miniftry, 
mitigated  by  a  few  proftitutes  of  power,  nurtur- 
ed in  the  lap  of  America,  and  bound  by  every 
tie  of  honor  and  gratitude,  to  be  faithful  to 
the  interefts  of  their  country.  The  focial  enjoy- 
ments of  life  had  long  been  difturbed,  the  mind 


£&  THE    RISE  'AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAF.H.        fretted,  and   the   people   rendered   fufpicious^ 
—  ~  —  '   when  they  faw  fome  of  their   fellow-citizens* 
who  did  not  hefitate  at  a  junction  with  the  ao 
cumulated  fwarms  of  hirelings,  fent  from  Great 
Britain  to  ravifh  from  the  colonies  the  rights, 
they  claimed  both  by  nature  and  by  compact. 
That  the  hard-hearted  judges  of  admiralty,  and 
the   crowd   of    revenue    officers  that  hovered 
about  the  cuftom  houfes,  fliould  feldom  be  ac~hu 
ated  by  the  principles  of  juftice,  is  not  ftrange. 
Peculation  was  generally  the  prime  object  of 
this  clafs  ;  and  the  oaths  they  adminiftered,  and 
the  habits  they  encouraged,  were  favorable  to 
every  fpecies  of  bribery  and  corruption.     The 
rapacity  which  mitigated  thefe  defcriptions  of 
men  had  little  check,  while  they  faw  themfelves 
upheld  even  by  fome  governors  of  provinces. 
In  this  grade,  which  ought  ever  to  be  the  pro- 
tectors of  the  rights  of  the  people,  there  were 
fome  who  were  total  ftrangers  to  all   ideas  of 
equity,  freedom,  or  urbanity.     It  was  obferved 
at  this  time,  in  a  fpeech  before   the   houfe   of 
commons,  by  colonel  Barre,  that  "  to  his   cer- 
"  tain  knowledge,  fome  were  promoted  to  the 
"  higheft  feats  of  honor  in  America,  who  were 
"  glad  to  fly  to  a  foreign  country,  to  efcape  be- 
"  ing  brought  to  the  bar  of  juftice   in   their 


own."* 


However   injudicious   the   appointments   to 
American   departments   might  be,  the  darling 

*  Parliamentary  debates  for  1  766. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  39 


Jpoint  of  an  American  revenue  was  an  object  too 
tonfequential  to  be  relinquished,  either  by 
the  court  at  St.  James's,  the  plantation  gover- 
nors, or  their  mercenary  adherents  difperfed 
through  the  continent.  Befides  thefe,  there 
were  feveral  clafles  in  America,  who  were  at  firft 
exceedingly  oppofed  to  meafures  that  militated 
with  the  deligns  of  adminiftration.  Some,  im- 
prefled  by  long  connexion,  were  intimidated 
by  her  power,  and  attached  by  affection  to 
Britain  :  others,  the  true  difciples  of  paflive 
'obedience,  had  real  fcruples  of  confcience  with 
regard  to  any  refiftance  to  the  powers  that  be  : 
thefe,  whether  actuated  by  affection  or  fear,  by 
principle  or  intereft,  formed  a  clofe  combination 
with  the  colonial  governors,  cuftom  houfe  offi- 
cers, and  all  in  fubordinate  departments,  who 
hung  on  the  court  for  fubfiftence.  By  the  ten- 
or of  the  writings  of  fome  <of  thefe,  and  the  in- 
folent  behaviour  of  others,  they  became  equally 
obnoxious  in  the  eyes  of  the  people,  with  the 
officers  of  the  crown  and  the  danglers  for  place  ; 
who,  difappointed  of  their  prey  by  the  repeal  of 
the  ftamp-act,  and  reftlefs  for  fome  new  project 
that  might  enable  them  to  rife  into  importance 
on  the  fpoils  of  America,  were  continually  whif- 
pering  malicious  infinuations  into  the  ears  of  the 
financiers  and  miniflers  of  colonial  department  s* 

They  reprefented  the  mercantile  body  in 
America  -as  a  fet  of  fmugglers,  forever  break- 
ing over  the  laws  of  trade  and  of  foclety  ;  the 


4O  THE    RISE   AND    PROGRESS    OF 

fe-HAp.  ir.        people   in   general   as   factious,  turbulent,  and 
~  .  aiming  at  independence  ;  the  legiflatures  in  the 

feveral  provinces  as  marked  with  the  fame  fpirit ; 
and  government  every  where  in  fo  lax  a  Hate* 
that  the  civil  authority  was  infufficient  to  pre- 
vent the  fatal  effects  of  popular  difcontent. 

It  is  indeed  true,  that  refentment  had  in  fev- 
eral inflances  arifen  to  outrage  ;  and  that  the 
moil  unwarrantable  exceffes  had  been  commit- 
ted on  fome  occaflons,  which  gave  grounds  for 
unfavorable  reprefentations*  Yet  it  muft  be 
acknowledged,  that  the  voice  of  the  people"*" 
feldom  breathes  univerfal  murmur,  but  when 
the  infolence  or  the  oppreffion  of  their  rulers 
extorts  the  bitter  complaint.  On  the  contrary, 
there  is  a  certain  fupinenefs  which  generally 
overfpreads  the  multitude,  and  difpofes  man- 
kind to  fubmit  quietly  to  any  form  of  govern- 
ment, rather  than  to  be  at  the  expeiife  and  haz- 
ard of  refiftance.  They  become  attached  to 
ancient  modes  by  habits  of  obedience,  though 
the  reins  of  authority  are  fometimes  held  by 
the  moft  rigorous  hand.  Thus  we  have  feen 
in  all  ages,  the  many  become  the  flaves  of  the 
few :  preferring  the  wretched  tranquillity  of 
inglorious  eafe,  they  patiently  yield  to  defpotic 
makers,  until  awakened  by  multiplied  wrongs 
to  the  feelings  of  human  nature  ;  which,  when 
once  aroufed  to  a  confcioufnefs  of  the  native 
freedom  and  equal  rights  of  man,  ever  revolts 
at  the  idea  of  fervitude. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  41 

Perhaps  the  ftory  of  political  revolution 
never  exhibited  a  more  general  enthuiiafm  in  1767. 
the  caufe  of  liberty,  than  that  which  for  feveral 
years  pervaded  all  ranks  in  America,  and 
brought  forward .  events  little  expected  by 
the  moft  fanguine  fpirits  in  the  beginning  of 
the  contfoverfy,  A  conteft  now  pufhed  with 
fo  much  vigour,  that  the  intelligent  yeomanry 
of  the  country,  as  well  as  thofe  educated  in  £he 
higher  walks,  became  convinced  that  nothing 
lefs  than  a  fyftematical  plan  of  flavery  was  de- 
iigned  againft  them.  They  viewed  the  chains 
as  already  forged  to  manacle  the  unborn  mil- 
lions ;  and  though  every  one  feemed  to  dread, 
any  new  interruption  of  public  tranquillity,  the 
impetuoiity  of  fome  led  them  into  excefles 
which  could  not  be  reftrained  by  thofe  of  more 
cool  and  difcreet  deportment.  To  the  moft 
moderate  and  judicious  it  foon  became  appar- 
ent, that  unlefs  a  timely  and  bold  refinance 
prevented,  the  colonifts  muft  in  a  few  years 
fink  into  the  fame  wretched  thraldom,  that 
marks  the  miferable  Aliatic. 

Few  of  the  executive  officers  employed  by 
the  king  of  Great  Britain,  and  fewer  of  their 
adherents,  were  qualified  either  by  education, 
principle,  or  inclination,  to  allay  the  ferment  of 
the  times,  or  to  eradicate  the  fufpicions  of  men, 
who,  from  an  hereditary  love  of  freedom,  were 
tenderly  touched  by  the  fmalleft  attempt,  to 
undermine  the  invaluable  pofleffion.  Yet,  per- 

VOL.  i.  F 


42  ?HE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

haps  few  of  the  colonies,  at  this  period,  fuffered 
17*67.  equal  embarraflments  with  the  Maffachufetts. 
The  inhabitants  of  that  province  were  coniid- 
ered  as  the  prime  leaders  of  faction,  the  difturb- 
ers  of  public  tranquillity,  and  Bofton  the  feat  of 
fedition.  Vengeance  was  continually  denoun- 
ced againft  that  capital,  and  indeed  the  whole 
province,  through  the  letters,  meffages,  and 
fpeeches  of  their  firft  magiftrate. 

Unhappily  for  both  parties,  governor  Ber- 
nard was  very  illy  calculated  to  promote  the 
intereft  of  the  people,  or  fupport  the  honor  of 
his  mafter.  He  was  a  man  of  little  genius,  but 
fome  learning.  He  was  by  education  ftrongly 
imprelTed  with  high  ideas  of  canon  and  feudal 
law,  and  fond  of  a  fyftein  of  government  that 
had  been  long  obfolete  in  England,  and  had 
never  had  an  exiftence  in  America.  His  difpo- 
fition  was  choleric  and  fanguine,  obftinate  and 
deiigning,  yet  too  open  and  frank  to  difguife 
his  intrigues,  and  too  precipitant  to  bring  them 
to  maturity.  A  reviiion  of  colony  charters,  a 
refumption  of  former  privileges,  and  an  Amer- 
ican revenue,  were  the  conftant  topics  of  his 
letters  to  adminiftration.*  To  prove  the  necef- 
iity  of  thefe  meafures,  the  moft  trivial  difturb- 
ance  was  magnified  to  a  riot ;  and  to  give  a 
pretext  to  thefe  wicked  infinuations,  it  was 

*  See  his  pamphlet  oft  law  and  polity,  and  his  letters  to 
the  Britifh  miniftry,  while  he  prefided  in  the  Maffachufetts. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  43 

thought  by  many,  that  tumults  were  frequent-    CHAP  "• 
Jy  excited  by  the  indifcretion  or  malignancy  of      1757. 
his  own  partizans. 

Th»  declaratory  bill  ftill  hung  fufpended 
over  the  heads  of  the  Americans,  nor  was  it 
fuffered  to  remain  long  without  trying  its  op- 
erative effects.  The  claufe  holding  up  a  right 
to  tax  America  at  pleafure,  and  "  to  bind  them 
"  in  all  cafes  whatfoever,"  was  compreheniive 
and  alarming.  Yet  it  was  not  generally  ex- 
pected, that  the  miniflry  would  foon  endeavour 
to  avail  themfelves  of  the  dangerous  experi- 
ment ;  but,  in  this,  the  public  were  miilaken. 

It  has  already  been  obferved,  that  the  arbi- 
trary difpofition  of  George  the  third ;  the 
abfurd  fyftem  of  policy  adopted  in  conformity 
to  his  principles,  and  a  parliamentary  majority 
at  the  command  of  the  miniftry,  rendered  it 
not  difficult  to  enforce  any  meafures  that  might 
tend  to  an  acceflion  to  the  powers  of  the  crown. 
It  was  a  juft  fentiment  of  an  elegant  writer, 
that  "  almoft  all  the  vices  of  royalty  have 
"  been  principally  occaiioned  by  a  flavifh  adula- 
"  tion  in  the  language  of  their  fubjecls  ;  and 
"  to  the  mame  of  the  Englilh  it  muft  be  faid, 
"  that  none  of  the  enslaved  nations  in  the  world 
"  have  addreiled  the  throne  in  a  more  fulfome 
«  and  hyperbolical  ftyle."* 

*  Mrs.  Macauley's  letter  to  earl  Stanhope* 


44  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

The  dignity  of  the  crown,  the  fupremacy  of 
1767.  parliament,  and  the  difloyalty  of  the  colonies, 
were  the  theme  of  the  court,  the  echo  of  its 
creatures,  and  of  the  Britifh  nation  in  general ; 
nor  was  it  thought  good  policy  to  let  the  high 
claims  of  government  lie  long  in  a  dormant 
ftate.  Accordingly  not  many  months  after  the 
repeal  of  the  ftamp-acl:,  the  chancellor  of  the 
exchequer,  Charles  Townfhend,  Efq.  came  for- 
ward and  pawned  his  character  on  the  fuccefs 
of  a  new  attempt  to  tax  the  American  colonies. 
He  was  a  gentleman  of  confpicuous  abilities, 
and  much  profeffional  knowledge  ;  endowed 
with  more  boldnefs  than  difcretion  ;  he  had 
"  the  talent  of  bringing  together  at  once  all 
"  that  was  neceflary  to  eftablifh,  to  illuftrate, 
"  and  to  decorate  the  fide  of  the  queftion  he 
"  was  on."* 

He  introduced  fever al  bills  in  fupport  of  his 
fanguinary  defigns,  which  without  much  difficul- 
ty obtained  the  fan&ion  of  parliament,  and  the 
royal  affent.  The  purport  of  the  new  project 
for  revenue  was  to  levy  certain  duties  on  paper, 
glafs,  painters'  colors,  and  feveral  other  articles 
ufually  imported  into  America.  It  was  alfo 
directed  that  the  duties  on  India  teas,  which 

*  A  writer  has  more  recently  obferved  that  Charles 
Townfhend  was  a  man  of  riling  parliamentary  reputation 
and  brilliant  talents  ;  but  capricious,  infmcere,  intriguing, 
and  wholly  deftitute  of  difcretion  or  folidity. 

Belfham  on  the  reign  of  George  the  third 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

had  been  a  productive   fource  of  revenue  in 
England,  fhould  be  taken  off  there,  and  three      1757, 
pence  per  pound  levied  on  all  kinds  that  fhould 
in  future  be  purchafed  in  the  colonies. 

This  inconfiderable  duty  on  teas  finally  be- 
came an  object  of  high  importance  and  alterca- 
tion ;  it  was  not  the  fum,  but  the  principle 
that  was  contefted  ;  it  manifeftly  appeared  that 
this  was  only  a  financiering  expedient  to  raife  a 
revenue  from  the  colonies  by  imperceptible 
taxes.  The  defenders  of  the  privileges  and  the 
freedom  of  the  colonies,  denied  all  parliamentary 
right  to  tax  them  in  any  way  whatever.  They 
afferted  that  if  the  collection  of  this  duty  was 
permitted,  it  would  eftablifh  a  precedent,  and 
ftrengthen  the  claim  parliament  had  afTumed, 
to  tax  them  at  pleafure.  To  do  it  by  the  fecret 
modes  of  impofts  and  excifes  would  ruin  tfyeir 
trade,  corrupt  the  morals  of  the  people,  and  was 
more  abhorrent  in  their  eyes  than  a  direct  de- 
mand. The  moft  judicious  and  intelligent 
Americans  at  this  time  confidered  all  impercepti- 
ble  taxes  fraught  with  evils,  that  tended  to 
enflave  any  country  plunged  in  the  boundlefs 
chaos  of  fifcal  demands  that  this  practice  intro- 
duces. 

In  confequence  of  the  new  fyftem,  a  board  of 
cuftoms  was  inflituted  and  commiflioners  ap- 
pointed to  fet  in  Bofton  to  collect  the  duties ; 
which  were  befides  other  purpofes  to  fupply  a 


46  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

fund  for  the  payment  of  the  large  falaries  an- 
1767.  nexed  to  their  office.  A  civil  lift  was  foon  after 
eftablifhed,  and  the  governors  of  the  Maflachu- 
fetts,  judges  of  the  fuperior  court,  and  fuch  other 
officers  as  had  heretofore  depended  on  the  free 
grants  of  the  reprefentative  body,  were  to  be 
paid  out  of  the  revenue  cheft. 

Thus  rendered  wholly  independent  of  the 
general  affembly,  there  was  no  check  left  on 
the  wanton  exercife  of  power  in  the  crown  of- 
ficers, however  difpofed  they  might  be  to  abufe 
their  truft.  The  diftance  from  the  throne,  it 
was  faid,  muft  delay,  if  not  wholly  prevent,  all 
relief  under  any  oppreffions  the  people  might 
fuffer  from  the  fervants  of  government ;  and 
to  crown  the  long  lift  of  grievances,  fpecilied 
by  the  patriots  of  the  day,  the  extenfion  of  the 
courts  of  vice-admiralty  was  none  of  the  leaft. 
They  were  veiled  with  certain  powers  that  dif- 
penfed  with  the  mode  of  trial  by  jury,  annihi- 
lated the  privileges  of  Englimmen,  and  placed 
the  liberty  of  every  man  in  the  hand  of  a  petty 
officer  of  the  cuftoms.  By  warrant  of  a  writ 
of  affiftance  from  the  governor  or  lieutenant 
governor,  any  officer  of  the  revenue  was  au- 
thorized to  enter  the  dwelling  of  the  moft  re- 
fpeftable  inhabitant  on  the  fmalleft  fufpicion  of 
a  concealment  of  contraband  goods,  and  to  in-* 
fult,  fearch,  or  feize,  with  impunity. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  4? 

An  attorney*  at  law,  of  fome  profeflional  CBAP- "• 
abilities  and  ingenuity,  but  without  either  prop-  1757. 
erty  or  principle,  was,  by  the  inftigation  of  Mr. 
Bernard,  appointed  fole  judge  of  admiralty  in 
the  Maffachufetts.  The  dangerous  afpect  of 
this  court,  particularly  when  aided  by  writs  of 
afliftance,  was  oppofed  with  peculiar  energy  and 
ilrength  of  argument,  by  James  Otis,  Efq.  of 
Bofton,  who,  by  the  exertion  of  his  talents  and 
the  facrifice  of  inter  eft,  may  juftly  claim  the 
honor  of  laying  the  foundation  of  a  revolu- 
tion, which  has  been  productive  of  the  happieft 
effects  to  the  civil  and  political  interefts  of  man- 
kind. 

He  was  the  firft  champion  of  American  free- 
dom, who  had  the  courage  to  put  his  iignature 
to  the  conteft  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
colonies.  He  had  in  a  clear,  concife,  and  nerv- 
ous manner,  ftated  and  vindicated  the  rights  of 
the  American  colonies,  and  publimed  his  obfer- 
vations  in  Bofton,  while  the  {lamp-act  hung  fuf- 
pended.  This  tracl:  was  written  with  fuch  a 
fpirit  of  liberality,  loyalty,  and  impartiality,  that 
though  at  the  time  fome  were  ready  to  pro- 
nounce it  treafonable,  yet,  when  oppofition  run 
higher,  many  of  the  moft  judicious  partizans 
of  the  crown  were  willing  to  admit  it  as  a 

*  Jonathan  Sewall,  a  native  of  the  province,  whofe.  pen 
had  been  employed  to  vindicate  the  meafures  of  adrriiniftra- 
tion  and  the  conduct  of  governor  Bernard,  under  the  fig- 
nature  of  Philalethes,  Maflachufettenfis,  &c.  &c. 


48  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

*HAP-  "•  juft  criterion  of  political  truth.*  But  the  au~ 
1767.  thor  was  abufed  and  vilified  by  the  fcrib- 
blers  of  the  court,  and  threatened  with  an  ar- 
reft  from  the  crown,  for  the  boldnefs  of  his 
opinions.  Yet  he  continued  to  advocate  the 
rights  of  the  people,  and  in  the  courfe  of  his 
argument  againft  the  iniquitous  confequences 
of  writs  of  ailiftance,  he  obferved,  that  "  his 
"  engaging  in  this  caufe  had  raifed  the  refent- 
"  ment  of  its  abettors  ;  but  that  he  argued  it 
"  from  principle,  and  with  peculiar  pleafure,  as 
"  it  was  in  favor  of  Britijh  liberty ',  and  in  op- 
"  pofition  to  the  exercife  of  a  power,  that  in 
"  former  periods  of  Englifh  hiftory,  had  coft 
"  one  king  of  England  his  head,  and  another 
"  his  crown.'5 — He  added,  "  I  can  fincerely  de- 
"  clare,  that  I  fubmit  myfelf  to  every  opprobri- 
"  ous  name  for  confcience  fake,  and  defpife  all 
"  thofe,  whom  guilt,  folly  or  malice  have  made 
^"  my  foes." 

It  was  on  this  occafion,  that  Mr.  Otis  refign- 
ed  the  office  of  judge  advocate,  and  renounced 
all  employment  under  fo  corrupt  an  adminiftra- 
tion,  boldly  declaring  in  the  face  of  the  fupreme 
court,  at  this  dangerous  crifis,  that  "  the  only 
"  principle  of  public  conduct,  worthy  a  gentle- 
"  man  or  a  man,  was  the  facrifice  of  health,  eafe, 
"  applaufe,  eftate,  or  even  life,  to  the  facred 

*  See  Mr.  Otis's  pamphlet,  entitled,  "  The  rights  of 
"  the  colonies  dated  and  vindicated." 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION*  49 

**  calls  of  his  country  ;  that  thefe  manly  fenti-    CHAP-1 

"  ments  in  private  life  made  the  good  citizen,      1757. 

"  in  public,  the  patriot  and  the  hero." — Thus 

was  verified  in  his  conduct  the  obfervation  of 

a  writer  *  of  merit  and  celebrity,  that  "  it  was 

"  as  difficult  for  Great  Britain  to  frighten  as  to 

"  cheat    Americans  into  fervitude ;    that    fhe 

"  ought  to  leave  them  in  the  peacable  pofleflion 

"  of  that  liberty  which  they  received  at  their 

"  birth,  and  were  refolved  to  retain  to  their 

«  death." 

When  the  new  parliamentary  regulations 
reached  America,  all  the  colonies  in  their  fev- 
eral  departments  petitioned  in  the  moft  ftren- 
uous  manner  againft  any  American  taxation, 
and  all  other  recent  innovations  relative  to  the 
government  of  the  Britifh  provinces.  Thefe 
petitions  were,  when  received  by  the  miniftry, 
treated  by  them  with  the  utmoft  contempt. 
But  they  were  fupported  by  a  refpeftable  party 
in  the  parliament  of  Britain,  who  did  not  neg- 
lect to  warn  the  adminiftration  of  the  danger  of 
precipitating  meafures,  that  might  require  be- 
fore the  termination  of  a  conteft  thus  hurried 

*  Mr.  Dickenfon,  author  of  the  much  admired  Farmer's 
Letters,  the  firft  copy  of  which  he  inclofed  to  his  friend, 
Mr.  Otis,  and  obferved  to  him,  that  "  the  examples  of 
"  public  fpirit  in  the  cold  regions  of  the  north,  had  roufed 
"  the  languid  latitudes  of  the  fouth,  to  a  proper  vindica- 
"  tion  of  their  rights."  See  Appendix,  Note,  No.  V. 

VOL.  I.  C 


5O  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP-n-        on,  "  more  virtue  and  abilities  than  the  miniftry 
"poffeffed." 

By  fome  Heps   taken  by  adminiftration  pre- 
vious to  the  prefent  period,  there  was  reafon  to 
fuppofe  that  they  were  themfelves  apprehenfive, 
that  their  fyftem  for  governing  the  colonies  in 
a  more  arbitrary  manner  would  give  great  of- 
fence, and  create  difturbances  of  fo  alarming  a 
nature,  that  perhaps  the  aid  of  military  power 
might  become  necefiary  to  enforce  the  comple- 
tion of  their  defigns.     Doubtlefs  it  was  with 
a  view  of  facilitating  the  new  projects,  that  an 
extraordinary  bill  had  been  paffed  in  parliament, 
making  it  lawful  for  the  officers  of  the  Britifh 
army  to  quarter  their  troops  in  private  houfes 
throughout  the  colonies.     Thus  while  mixed 
in  every  family,  it  might  become  more  eafy  to 
awe  the   people  into   fubmiffion,   and  compel 
them  by  military  terrors  to  the  bafeft  compli- 
ances.    But  the  colony  agents  reiiding  in  Lon- 
don, and  the  merchants  concerned  in  the  Amer- 
ican trade,  remonftrated  fo  warmly  againft  the 
injuftice  and  cruelty  of  fuch  a  procedure,  that  a 
part  of  the  bill  was  dropped.     Yet  it  was  too 
important    a   point  wholly  to   relinquiih  ;    of 
confequence  a  claufe  was  left,  obliging  the  fev- 
eral  legiflative  affemblies  to  provide  quarters 
for  the  king's  marching  regiments,  and  to  fur- 
nim  a  number  of  fpecified  articles  at  the  ex- 
penfe  of  the  province,  wherever  they  might  be 
ftationed. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  51 

This  act  continued  in  full  force  after  the  CHAP  "• 
ftamp-act  was  repealed,  though  it  equally  mili-  1767, 
tated  with  that  part  of  the  Britifli  constitution 
which  provides  that  no  monies  fhould  be  raifed 
on  the  fubject  without  his  confent.  Yet  rath- 
er  than  enter  on  a  new  difpute,  the  colonifts  in 
general  chofe  to  evade  it  for  the  prefent,  and 
without  many  obfervations  thereon  had  occa- 
fionally  made  foine  voluntary  provilions  for  the 
fupport  of  the  king's  troops.  It  was  hoped 
the  act  might  be  only  a  temporary  expedient  to 
hold  up  the  authority  of  parliament,  and  that 
in  a  ihort  time  the  claim  might  die  of  itfelf 
without  any  attempt  to  revive  fuch  an  unrea- 
fonable  demand.  But  New  York,  more  explicit 
in  her  refufal  to  obey,  was  fufpended  from  all 
powers  of  legiflation  until  the  quartering  act 
mould  be  complied  with  in  the  fulleft  extent. 
By  this  unprecedented  treatment  of  one  of  the 
colonies,  and  the  innumerable  exactions  and 
reftrictions  on  all,  a  general  appreheniion  pre- 
vailed, that  nothing  but  a  firm,  vigorous  and 
united  refiftance  could  fliield  from  the  attacks 
that  threatened  the  total  extinction  of  civil  lib- 
erty through  the  continent. 


52  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS 


CHAPTER  IIL 

Curfory  Obfervations. — MafTachufetts  Circular  Letter.-^-A 
new  Houfe  of  Reprefentatives  called. — Governor  Ber- 
nard impeached. — :A  Riot  on  the  Seizure  of  a  VefTel. — 
Troops  applied  for  to  protect  the  King's  Officers. — A 
Convention  at  Bofton. — Troops  arrive.-— A  Combination 
againft  all  Commerce  with  Great  Britain. — A  General 
Aflembly  convened  at  Bofton — removed  to  Cambridge. 
— Governor  Bernard  after  his  Impeachment  repairs  to 
England. 

1  HE  Britifli  colonies  at  this  period  through 
the  American  continent  contained,  exclufive 
of  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia,  the  provinces 
of  New  Hampihire,  and  MaiTachufetts  Bay, 
of  Rhode  Ifland,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New 
Jerfey,  Pennfylvania,  the  Delaware  counties,  Vir- 
ginia, Maryland,  the  two  Carolinas,  and  Geor- 
gia, beiides  the  Floridas,  and  an  unbounded  tracl 
of  wildernefs  not  yet  explored.  Thefe  feveral 
provinces  had  been  always  governed  by  their 
own  diftinct  legiflatures.  It  is  true  there  was 
fome  variety  in  their  religious  opinions,  but  a 
Unking  fimilarity  in  their  political  inftitutions, 
except  in  the  proprietary  governments.  At  the 
fame  time  the  colonies,  afterwards  the  thirteen 
ftates,  were  equally  marked  with  that  manly 
fpirit  of  freedom,  characleriilic  of  Americans 
from  New  Hampihire  to  Georgia. 

Aroufed  by  the  fame  injuries  from  the  parent 
ftate,  threatened  in  the  fame  manner  by  the 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  53 

CHAP.  III. 


common  enemies  to  the  rights  of  fociety  among 
themfelves,  their  petitions  to  the  throne  had 
been  fupprefled  without  even  a  reading,  their 
remonftrances  were  ridiculed  and  their  fuppli- 
cations  rejected.  They  determined  no  longer  to 
fubmit.  All  flood  ready  to  unite  in  the  fame 
meafures  to  obtain  that  redrefs  of  grievances 
they  had  fo  long  requefted,  and  that  relief  from 
burdens  they  had  fo  long  complained  of,  to  fo 
little  purpofe.  Yet  there  was  no  bond  of  con- 
nexion by  which  a  fimilarity  of  fentiment  and 
concord  in  action  might  appear,  whether  they 
were  again  difpofed  to  revert  to  the  hitherto 
fruitlefs  mode  of  petition  and  remonftrance,  or 
to  leave  that  humiliating  path  for  a  line  of  con- 
duct more  cogent  and  influential  in  the  contefts 
of  nations. 


A  circular  letter  dated  February  the  elev-  ^ 
enth,  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fixty-  __, 
eight,  by  the  legiflature  of  Maffachufetts,  di- 
rected to  the  reprefentatives  and  burgefles  of 
the  people  through  the  continent,  was  a  meaf- 
ure  well  calculated  for  this  falutary  purpofe** 
This  letter  painted  in  the  ftrongeft  colors  the 
difficulties  they  apprehended,  the  embarraff- 
ments  they  felt,  and  the  fteps  already  taken  to 
obtain  relief.  It  contained  the  full  opinion  of 
that  affembly  relative  to  the  late  acts  of  parlia- 
ment j  while  at  the  fame  time  they  expatiated 

*  See  Appendix,  Note,  No.  VI. 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP-m-  on  their  duty  and  attachment  to  the  king,  and 
1768.  detailed  in  terms  of  refpect  the  reprefentations 
that  had  been  made  to  his  minifters,  they  ex- 
preffed  the  boldeft  determination  to  continue  a 
free  but  a  loyal  people.  Indeed  there  were 
few,  if  any,  who  indulged  an  idea  of  a  final  fep- 
aration  from  Britain  at  fo  early  a  period  ;  or 
that  even  wiftied  for  more  than  an  equal  parti- 
cipation of  the  privileges  of  the  Britim  confti- 
tution. 

INDEPENDENCE  was  a  plant  of  a  later  growth. 
Though  the  foil  might  be  congenial,  and  the 
boundaries  of  nature  pointed  out  the  event, 
yet  every  one  chofe  to  view  it  at  a  diftance, 
rather  than  wifhed  to  witnefs  the  convuliions 
that  fuch  a  difmemberment  of  the  empire  muft 
neceflarily  occafion* 

After  the  circulation  of  this  alarming  letter,* 
wherever  any  of  the  governors hadpermitted  the 
legiilative  bodies  to  meet,  an  anfwer  was  returned 
by  the  aflemblies  replete  with  encomiums  on  the 
exertion  and  the  zeal  of  the  Maflachufetts.  They 
obferved  that  the  fpirit  that  dictated  that  let- 
ter was  but  a  tranfcript  of  their  own  feelings  ; 
and  that  though  equally  imprefled  with  every 
fentiment  of  refpect  to  the  prince  on  the  throne 
of  Britain,  and  feeling  the  ftrongeft  attachment 
to  the  houfe  of  Hanover,  they  could  not  but 

*  See  Appendix,  Note,  No.  VII. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  55 

reject  with  difdain  the  late  meafures,  fo  repug- 
nant to  the  dignity  of  the  crown  and  the  true  1768. 
intereft  of  the  realm  ;  and  that  at  every  hazard 
they  were  determined  to  refift  all  ads  of  parlia- 
ment for  the  injurious  purpofe  of  railing  a  rev- 
enue in  America.  They  alfo  added,  that  they 
had  refpeclively  offered  the  moft  humble  fuppli- 
cations  to  the  king  ;  that  they  had  remon- 
ftrated  to  both  houfes  of  parliament,  and  had 
directed  their  agents  at  the  Britifh  court  to 
leave  no  effort  untried  to  obtain  relief,  without 
being  compelled  to  what  might  be  deemed  by 
royalty  an  illegal  mode  of  oppoiition. 

In  confequence  of  the  fpirited  proceedings  of 
the  houfe  of  reprefentatives,  the  general  affem- 
bly  of  MaiTachufetts  was  diffolved,  nor  were 
they  fuffered  to  meet  again  until  a  new  election. 
Thefe  tranfactions  were  carefully  tranfmitted  to 
adminiftration  by  feveral  of  the  plantation  gov- 
ernors, and  particularly  Mr.  Bernard,  with  in- 
flammatory obfervations  of  his  own,  interlarded 
with  the  moft  illiberal  abufe  of  the  principal 
leaders  of  the  late  meafures  in  the  affembly  of 
Maffachufetts. 

Their  charter,  which  ftill  provided  for  the 
election  of  the  legiflature,  obliged  the  gover- 
nor to  fummon  a  new  affembly  to  meet  May 
the  twenty-fourth,  one  thoufand  feven  hun- 
dred and  fixty-eight.  The  firft  communication 
laid  before  the  houfe  by  the  governor  contain- 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

ed  a  haughty  requifition  from  the  Britifh  min- 
1708.  ifter  of  ftate,  directing  in  his  majefty's  name 
that  the  prefent  houfe  fhould  immediately  re~ 
fcind  the  refolutions  of  a  former  one,  which 
had  produced  the  celebrated  circular  letter. 
Governor  Bernard  alfo  intimated,  that  it  was 
his  majefty's  pleafure,  that  on  a  non-com- 
pliance  with  this  extraordinary  mandate,  the 
prefent  aflembly  mould  be  diflblved  without 
delay. 

What  heightened  the  refentment  to  the 
manner  of  this  lingular  order,  figned  by  lord 
'  Hillfborough,  fecretary  of  ftate  for  the  Ameri- 
can department,  was,  that  he  therein  intimated 
to  the  governor  that  he  need  not  fear  the 
moft  unqualified  obedience  on  his  part  to  the  high 
meafures  of  adminiftration,  amir  ing  him  that  it 
would  not  operate  to  his  difadvantage,  as  care 
would  be  taken  in  future  to  provide  for  his 
intereft,  and  to  fupport  the  dignity  of  gov- 
ernment, without  the  interpoiitions  or  exift- 
ence  of  a  provincial  legiilature* 

Thefe  meflages  were  received  by  the  repre- 
Tentative  body  with  a  fteadinefs  and  refolution 
becoming  the  defenders  of  the  rights  of  a  free 
people.  After  appointing  a  committee  to  con- 
fider  and  prepare'  an  anfwer  to  them,  they  pro- 
ceeded with  great  coolnefs  to  the  ufual  bufinefs 
of  the  feffion,  without  further  notice  of  what 
had  pafled. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  57 

Within  a  day  or  two,  they  received  a  fecond  CHAP-in- 
mefiage  from  the  governor,  purporting  that  he  1768. 
expected  an  immediate  and  an  explicit  anfwer 
to  the  authoritative  requifition  ;  and  that  if 
they  longer  poftponed  their  refolutions,  he 
fhould  confider  their  delay  as  an  "  oppugnation 
"  to  his  majefty's  authority,  and  a  negative  to 
"  the  command,  by  an  expiring  faction." 
On  this,  the  houfe  defired  time  to  confult 
their  conftituents  on  fuch  an  extraordinary 
queftion.  This  being  peremptorily  and  pet- 
ulantly refufed,  the  houfe  ordered  the  board 
of  council  to  be  informed,  that  they  were  en- 
tering on  a  debate  of  importance,  that  they 
fhould  give  them  notice  when  it  was-over,  and 
directed  the  door-keeper  to  call  no  member  out, 
on  any  pretence  whatever. 

The  committee  appointed  to  anfwer  the  gov- 
ernor's feveral  meiTages,  were  gentlemen  of 
known  attachment  to  the  caufe  of  their  country, 
who  on  every  occafion  had  rejected  all  fervile 
compliances  with  minifterial  requifitions.  They 
were  not  long  on  the  buiinefs.  When  they  re- 
turned to  the  houfe,  the  galleries  were  imme- 
diately cleared,  and  they  reported  an  anfwer, 
bold  and  determined,  yet  decent  and  loyal.  In 
the  courfe  of  their  reply,  they  obfervecl  that  it 
was  not  an  "  expiring  faftion"  that  the  governor 
had  charged  with  "  oppugnation  to  his  maj-eftfs 
"  authority"  that  it  was  the  belt  blood  of  the 
colony  who  oppofed  the  minifterial  meafures, 

VOL.   I.  H 


58  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

men  of  reputation,  fortune  and  rank,  equal  to 
any  who  enjoyed  the  fmiles  of  government ; 
that  their  exertions  were  from  a  confcious  fenfe 
of  duty  to  their  God,  to  their  king,  to  their 
country,  and  to  pofterity.* 

This  committee  at  the  fame  time  reported  a 
very  fpirited  letter  to  lord  Hillfborough,  which 
they  had  prepared  to  lay  before  the  houfe.  In 
this  they  remonftrated  on  the  injuftice  as  well 
as  abfurdity  of  a  requilition,  when  a  compliance 
was  impracticable,  even  had  they  the  inclination 
to  refcind  the  doings  of  a  former  houfe.  This 
letter  was  approved  by  the  houfe,  and  on  a  di- 
viiion  on  the  queftion  of  refcinding  the  vote  of 
a  former  aflembly,  it  was  negatived  by  a  major- 
ity of  ninety-two  to  feventeen. 

The  fame  committee  was  immediately  nomi- 
nated to  prepare  a  petition  to  the  king  to  remove 
Mr.  Bernard  from  the  government  of  Maffachu- 
fetts.  They  drew  up  a  petition  for  this  purpofe 
xvithout  leaving  the  houfe,  and  immediately  re- 
ported it.  They  alleged  a  long  lift  of  accufations 
againft  the  governor,  and  requefted  his  majefty 
that  one  more  worthy  to  reprefent  fa  great  and 
good  a  king,  might  be  fent  to  prelide  in  the  prov- 
ince. Thus  impeached  by  the  houfe,  the  fame 

*  The  principal  members  of  this  committee,  were  Major 
Jofeph  Hawley,  of  Northampton,  James  Otis,  Efq.  of  Bof- 
ton,  Samuel  Adams,  James  Warren,  of  Plymouth,  John 
Hancock,  and  Thomas  Cufliing,  Efqrs. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  59 

minority  that  had  appeared  ready  to  refcind  the 
circular  letter,  declared  themfelves  againft  the 
impeachment  of  governor  Bernard.*  Their 
fervility  was  marked  with  peculiar  odium  :  they 
were  ftigmatized  by  the  appellation  of  the 
infamous  feventeen^  until  their  names  were  loft 
in  a  fucceflion  of  great  events  and  more  impor- 
tant characters. 

When  the  doors  of  the  houfe  were  opened, 
the  fecretary  who  had  been  long  in  waiting  for 
admiffion,  informed  the  houfe  that  the  governor 
was  in  the  chair,  and  delired  their  attendance 
in  the  council  chamber.  They  complied  without 
hefitation,  but  were  received  in  a  moft  ungra- 
cious manner.  With  much  ill  humor  the  gov- 
ernor reprimanded  them  in  the  language  of  an 
angry  pedagogue,  inftead  of  the  manner  becom- 
ing the  firft  magiftrate  when  addreffing  the 
reprefentatives  of  a  free  people ;  he  concluded 
his  harangue  by  proroguing  the  affembly, 
which  within  a  few  days  he  diffolved  by  procla- 
mation. 

In  the  mean  time  by  warm  and  virulent  let- 
ters from  this  indifcreet  governor  ;  by  others 
full  of  invective  from  the  commifftoners  of  the 
cuftoms,  and  by  thefecret  influence  of  fome,  who 
yet  concealed  themfelves  within  the  vizard  of 
moderation,  "  who  held  the  language  of  patriot- 
"  ifm,  but  trod  in  the  footfteps  of  tyranny," 

*  Journals  of  the  houfe. 


60  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

leave  was  obtained  from  adminiftration  to  apply 
1768.  to  tne  commander  in  chief  of  the  king's  troops, 
then  at  New  York,  to  fend  feveral  regiments 
to  Bofton,  as  a  neceflary  aid  to  civil  government, 
which  they  reprefented  as  too  weak  to  fupprefs 
the  diforders  of  the  times.  It  was  urged  that 
this  ftep  was  abfolutely  neceffary,  to  enable  the 
officers  of  the  crown  to  carry  into  execution  the 
laws  of  the  fupreme  legiilature. 

A   new  pretext  had  been  recently  given  to 
the  malignant  party,  to  urge  with  a  mew  of 
plaufibility,  the  immediate  neceility  of  the  mili- 
tary arm,  to  quell  the  riotous  proceedings  of 
the  town  of  Bofton,  to  ftrengthen  the  hands  of 
government,  and  reftore  order  and  tranquillity 
to  the  province.     The  feizure  of  a  veffel  belong- 
ing to  a  popular  gentleman,*  under  fufpicion  of 
a  breach  of  the  acts  of  trade,  raifed  a  fudden 
refentment  among  the  citizens  of  Bofton.     The 
conduct  of  the  owner  was  indeed  repreheniible, 
in  permitting  a  part  of  the  cargo  to  be  unladen 
in  a  clandeftine  manner  ;    but  the  mode  of  the 
feizure  appeared  like  a  deiign  to  raife  a  fudden 
ferment,  that  might  be  improved  to  corroborate 
the    arguments  for  the    neceility  of   ftanding 
troops  to  be  ftationed  within  the  town. 

On  a  certain  iignal,  a  number  of  boats,  man- 
ned and  armed,  rowed  up  to  the  wharf,  cut  the 

*  John   Hancock,    Efq.    afterwards   governor   of  the 
Mailachuietts. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  61 

fails  of  the  fufpefted  veffel,  carried  her  off,  and  CHAP-  "'• 
placed  her  under  the  ftern  of  a  {hip  of  war,  as  17^8. 
if  apprehenfive  of  a  refcue.  This  was  executed 
in  the  edge  of  the  evening,  when  apprentices 
and  the  younger  claiTes  were  uiually  in  the 
ftreets.  It  had  what  was  thought  to  be  the 
deiired  effect ;  the  inconliderate  rabble,  unap- 
prehenfive  of  the  fnare,  and  thoughtlefs  of  con- 
fequences,  pelted  fome  of  the  cuftom-houfe 
officers  with  brick-bats,  broke  their  windows, 
drew  one  of  their  boats  before  the  door  of  the 
gentleman  they  thought  injured,  and  fet  it  on 
fire ;  after  which  they  diiperfed  without  fur- 
ther mifchief. 

This  trivial  diflurbance  was  exaggerated  un- 
til it  wore  the  complexion  of  a  riot  of  the  firft 
magnitude.  By  the  iniinuations  of  the  party, 
and  their  malignant  conduct,  it  was  not  ftrange 
that  in  England  it  was  confidered  as  a  London 
mob  collected  in  the  ftreets  of  Bofton,  with  fome 
formidable  defperado  at  their  head.  After  this 
fracas,  the  cuftom-houfe  officers  repaired  imme- 
diately to  Caftle  William,  as  did  the  board  of 
commiffioners.  This  fortrefs  was  about  a  league 
from  the  town.  From  thence  they  exprefled 
their  apprehenlions  of  perfonal  danger,  in  ftrong 
language.  Freili  applications  were  made  to 
general  Gage,  to  haften  on  his  forces  from 
New  York,  aiTuring  him  that  the  lives  of  the 
oflicers  of  the  crown  were  infecure,  unlefs 
placed  beyond  the  reach  of  popular  refentment, 


62  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP- m-       by  an  immediate  military  aid.     In  confequence 

1768       °f  tne^e   reprefentations,   feveral   detachments 

from  Halifax,  and  two  regiments  lately  from 

Ireland,  were  directed  to  repair  to  Bofton,  with 

all  poilible  difpatch. 

The  experience  of  all  ages,  and  the  obferva- 
tions  both  of  the  hiftorian  and  the  philofopher 
agree,  that  a  ftanding  army  is  the  moft  ready 
engine  in  the  hand  of  defpotifm,  to  debafe  the 
powers  of  the  human  mind,  and  eradicate  the 
manly  fpirit  of  freedom.  The  people  have  cer- 
tainly every  thing  to  fear  from  a  government, 
when  the  fprings  of  its  authority  are  fortified 
only  by  a  ftanding  military  force.  Wherever 
an  army  is  eftabliftied,  it  introduces  a  revolu- 
tion in  manners,  corrupts  the  morals,  propa- 
gates every  fpecies  of  vice,  and  degrades  the 
human  character.  Threatened  with  the  imme- 
diate introduction  of  this  dread  calamity,  de- 
prived by  the  diffolution  of  their  legiflature  of 
all  power  to  make  any  legal  oppofltion  ;  neg- 
lected by  their  fovereign,  and  infuited  by  the 
governor  he  had  fet  over  them,  much  the 
largeft  part  of  the  community  was  convin- 
ced, that  they  had  no  refource  but  in  the 
ftrength  of  their  virtues,  the  energy  of  their 
refolutions,  and  the  juftice  of  their  caufe.' 

In  this  ftite  of  general  apprehenfion,  confu- 
fion,  and  fufpenfe,  the  inhabitants  of  Bofton 
again  requefted  governor  Bernard  to  convoke 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  63 


an  affembly,  and  fuffer  the  reprefentatives  of 
the  whole  people  to  confult  and  advife  at  this  1768. 
critical  conjuncture.  He  rejected  this  applica- 
tion with  an  air  of  infult,  and  no  time  was  to 
be  loft.  Letters  were  inftantly  forwarded  from 
the  capital,  requefting  a  delegation  of  fuitable 
perfons  to  meet  in  convention  from  every 
town  in  the  province  before  the  arrival  of  the 
troops,  and  if  poffible  to  take  fome  fteps  to 
prevent  the  fatal  effects  of  thefe  dangerous  and 
unprecedented  meafures. 

The  whole  country  felt  themfelves  interefted> 
and  readily  complied  with  the  propofal.  The 
moft  refpectable  perfons  from  an  hundred  and 
ninety-fix  towns  were  chofen  delegates  to  af- 
femble  at  Bofton,  on  the  twenty-fecond  of  Sep- 
tember. They  accordingly  met  at  that  time 
and  place  ;  as  foon  as  they  were  convened,  the 
governor  fent  them  an  angry  meflage,  admon- 
iihing  them  immediately  to  difperfe,  afluring 
them  "  the  king  was  determined  to  maintain 
"  his  entire  fovereignty  over  the  province,— 
"  that  their  prefent  meeting  might  be  in  confe- 
"  quence  of  their  ignorance,  —  but  that  if  after 
"  this  admonition,  they  continued  their  ufurpa- 
"  tion,  they  might  repent  their  temerity,  as  he 
"  was  determined  to  affert  the  authority  of  the 
"  crown  in  a  more  public  manner,  if  they  con- 
"  tinued  to  difregard  this  authoritative  warn- 
"ing." 


THE  RISE  AND  PROGRESS  OF 

He  however  found  he  had  not  men  to  deal 
1768.  with,  either  ignorant  of  law,  regardlefs  of  its 
fanctions,  or  terrified  by  the  frowns  of  power. 
The  convention  made  him  a  fpirited  but  decent 
anfwer,  containing  the  reafons  of  their  affem- 
bling,  and  the  line  of  conduct  they  were  deter- 
mined to  purfue  in  fpite  of  every  menace. 
The  governor  refufed  to  receive  their  reply  ;  he 
urged  the  illegality  of  the  affembly,  and  made 
ufe  of  every  fubterfuge  to  interrupt  their  pro- 
ceedingSi 

Their  fituation  was  indeed  truly  delicate,  as 
well  as  dangerous.  The  convention  was  a 
body  not  known  in  the  conftitution  of  their 
government,  and  in  the  ftncl  fenfe  of  law 
it  might  be  ftyled  a  treafonable  meeting.  They 
ftill  profefled  fealty  to  the  crown  of  Britain  ; 
and  though  the  principle  had  been  fhaken  by 
injuries,  that  might  have  juftified  a  more  fud- 
den  renunciation  of  loyalty,  yet  their's  was 
cherifhed  by  a  degree  of  religious  fcruple, 
amidft  every  fpecies  of  infult.  Thus  while 
they  wifhed  to  fupport  this  temper,  and  to 
cherifh  their  former  affection,  they  felt  with 
poignancy  the  invafion  of  their  rights,  and 
hourly  expected  the  arrival  of  an  armed  force, 
to  back  the  threatenings  of  their  firft  magif- 
trate. 

Great  prudence  and  moderation  however 
marked  the  tranfaclions  of  an  affembly  of  men 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  65* 

thus  circumftanced  ;  they  could  in  their  pref-  CHAP IIL 
ent  fituation  only  recapitulate  their  fufferings, 
felt  and  feared.  This  they  did  in  a  pointed 
and  nervous  ftyle,  in  a  letter  addrefled  to 
Mr.  De  Berdt,*  the  agent  of  the  province,  re- 
fiding  in  London.  They  ftated  the  circum- 
ftances  that  occaiioned  their  meeting,  and  a  full 
detail  of  their  proceedings.  They  inclofed  him 
a  pefhion  to  the  king,  and  ordered  their  agent 
to  deliver  it  with  his  own  hand.  The  convention 
then  feparated,  and  returned  to  their  refpective 
towns, where  they  impreffed  on  their  conftituents 
the  fame  perfeverance,  forbearance  and  magna- 
nimity that  had  marked  their  own  refolutions. 

Within  a  few  days  after  their  feparation,  the 
troops  arrived  from  Halifax.  This  was  indeed 
a  painful  era.  The  American  war  may  be 
dated  from  the  hoftile  parade  of  this  day ;  a 
day  which  marks  with  infamy  the  councils  of 
Britain.  At  this  period,  the  inhabitants  of  the 
colonies  almoft  univerfally  breathed  an  unflia- 
ken  loyalty  to  the  king  of  England,  and  the 
ftrongeft  attachment  to  a  country  whence  they 
derived  their  origin.  Thus  was  the  aftonifh- 
ment  of  the  whole  province  excited,  when  to 
the  grief  and  confternation  of  the  town  of  Bof- 
ton  ieveral  regiments  were  landed,  and  march- 
ed fword  in  hand  through  the  principal  ftreets 
of  their  city,  then  in  profound  peace. 

*  See  letter  to  Mr.  De  Berdt,  in  the  journals  of  the 
houfe. 

VOL.  I.  I 


66  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

The  difembarkation  of  the  king's  troops, 
1768.  which  took  place  on  the  firft  of  October,  one 
thoufand  feven  hundred  and  iixty-eight,  was 
viewed  by  a  vaft  crowd  of  fpe&ators,  who  be- 
held the  folemn  prelude  to  devaftation  and 
bloodfhed  with  a  kind  of  fullen  filence,  that  de- 
noted the  deepeft  refentment.  Yet  whatever 
might  be  the  feelings  of  the  citizens,  not  one 
among  the  gazing  multitude  difcoveredj^ny 
difpofition  to  relift  by  arms  the  power  and  au- 
thority of  the  king  of  Great  Britain.  This  ap- 
pearance of  decent  fubmiflion  and  order  was 
very  unexpected  to  fome,  whofe  guilty  fears 
had  led  them  to  expect  a  violent  and  tumultu- 
ous refiftance  to  the  landing  of  a  large  body  of 
armed  foldiers  in  the  town.  The  peaceable  de- 
meanor of  the  people  was  conftrued,  by  the 
party  who  had  brought  this  evil  on  the  city,  as 
a  mark  of  abject  fubmiflion. 

As  they  fuppofed  from  the  prefent  acquief- 
cent  deportment,  that  the  fpirit  of  the  inhabit- 
ants was  totally  fubdued  on  the  firft  appearance 
of  military  power,  they  confequently  rofe  in 
their  demands.  General  Gage  arrived  from 
New  York  foon  after  the  king's  troops  reached 
Bofton.  With  the  aid  of  the  governor,  the 
chief  juftice  of  the  province,  and  the  fheriff  of 
the  county  of  Suffolk,  he  forced  quarters  for 
his  foldiers  in  all  the  unoccupied  houfes  in  the 
town.  The  council  convened  on  this  occafion 
oppofed  the  meafure ;  but  to  fuch  a  height 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  67 

was  the  infolence  of  power  pufhed,  by  their 
paflionate,  vindictive  and  wrong-headed  gov- 
ernor,  that  in  fpite  of  the  remonftrances  of  fev- 
eral  magiftrates,  and  the  importunities  of  the 
people,  he  fuffered  the  ftate  houfe,  where  the 
archives  of  the  province  were  depofited,  to  be 
improved  as  barracks  for  the  king's  troops. 
Thus  the  members  of  council,  the  magiftrates 
of  *&e  town  and  the  courts  of  juftice  were 
daily  interrupted,  and  frequently  challenged  in 
their  way  to  their  feveral  departments  in  bufi- 
nefs,  by  military  centinels  pofted  at  the  doors. 

A  {landing  army  thus  placed  in  their  capital, 
their  commerce  fettered,  their  characters  tra- 
duced, their  reprefentative  body  prevented 
meeting,  the  united  petitions  of  all  ranks  that 
they  might  be  convened  at  this  critical  conjunc- 
ture rejected  by  the  governor  ;  and  ftill  threat- 
ened with  a  further  augmentation  of  troops  to 
enforce  meafures  in  every  view  repugnant  to 
the  principles  of  the  Britim  conftitution  ;  little 
hope  remained  of  a  peaceful  accommodation. 

The  moft  rational  arguments  had  been  urged 
by  the  legiflative  aiTemblies,  by  corporate  bod- 
ies, aiTociations,  and  individual  characters  of 
eminence,  to  make  the  arbitrary  fyftem  that 
augured  evils  to  both  countries.  But  their  ad- 
dreiTes  were  difdainfully  rejected  ;  the  king  and 
the  court  of  Great  Britain  appeared  equally 
deaf  to  the  cry  of  millions,  who  only  alked  a 
reftoration  of  their  rights.  At  the  fame  time 


68  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

every  worthlefs  incendiary,  who,  taking  advan- 
1768.  tage  °f  tnefe  miferable  times,  croffed  the  Atlan- 
tic with  a  tale  of  accusation  againft  his  country, 
was  liftened  to  with  attention,  and  rewarded 
with  fome  token  of  royal  favor. 

In  this  fituation,  no  remedy  appeared  to  be 
left  fhort  of  an  appeal  to  the  fword,  unlefs  an 
entire  fufpeniion  of  that  commercial  interc^rfe, 
which  had  contributed  fo  much  to  the  glory 
and   grandeur   of  Britain,    could   be    effected 
throughout  the  colonies.     As  all  the  American 
continent  was  involved  in  one  common  danger, 
it  was  not  found  difficult   to  obtain  a  general 
combination   againft   all   further    importations 
from  England,  a  few  articles  only  excepted. 
The  mercantile  body  through  all  the  provinces 
entered  into  folemn  engagements,  and  plighted 
their  faith  and  honor  to  each  other,  and  to 
their  country,  that  no  orders  mould  be  for- 
warded by  them  for  Britifh  or  India  goods 
within  a  limited  term,  except  for  certain  Speci- 
fied articles  of  neceffary  ufe.      Thefe  engage- 
ments originated  in  Bofton,  and  were  for  a 
time  ftricHy  adhered  to  through  all  the  colo- 
nies.     Great    encouragement    was    given    to 
American  manufactures,  and  if  pride  of  apparel 
was  at  all  indulged,  it  was  in  wearing  the  fluffs 
fabricated  in  their  own  looms.     Harmony  and 
union,  prudence  and  economy,  induftry  and 
virtue,  were  inculcated  in  their  publications, 
and  enforced  by  the  example  of  the  moft  re- 
fpeclable  characters. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  69 

In  confequence  of  thefe  determinations,  the 
clamors  of  the  Britifh  manufacturers  arofe  to  tu- 
mult  in  many  parts  of  the  kingdom  ;  but  no  ar- 
tifice was  neglected  to  quiet  the  trading  part  of 
the  nation.  There  were  fome  Americans,  who 
by  letters  encouraged  adminiftration  to  perfe- 
vere  in  their  meafures  relative  to  the  colonies, 
afluring  them  in  the  ftrongeft  terms,  that  the 
interruption  of  commerce  was  but  a  tempo- 
rary ftruggle,  or  rather  an  effort  of  defpair. 
No  one  in  the  country  urged  his  opinion  with 
more  indifcreet  zeal  than  Andrew  Oliver,  Efq. 
then  fecretary  in  the  Maflachufetts.  He  fug- 
gefted,  "  that  government  mould  ftipulate  with 
"  the  merchants  in  England  to  purchafe  large 
"  quantities  of  goods  proper  for  the  American 
"  market ;  agreeing  beforehand  to  allow  them 
"a  premium  equal  to  the  advance  of  their 
"  flock  in  trade,  if  the  price  of  their  goods  was 
"  not  fufficiently  enhanced  by  a  tenfold  demand 
"  in  future,  even  though  the  goods  might  lay 
"  on  hand,  till  this  temporary  ftagnation  of 
"  bufmefs  mould  ceafe."  He  concluded  his  po- 
litical rhapfody  with  this  inhuman  boaft  to  his 
correfpondent ;  *  "  By  fuch  a  Jiep  the  game  'will 
u  be  up  with  my  countrymen" 

The  prediction  on  both  fides  the  Atlantic, 
that  this  combination,  which  depended  wholly 

*  See  the  original  letters  of  Mr.  Oliver  to  Mr.  Whately 
and  others,  which  were  afterwards  publifhed  in  a  pam- 
phlet ;  alfo,  in  the  Britifli  Remembrancer,  1773. 


70  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    O* 

OIAP-  "T*  on  the  commercial  part  of  the  community, 
1768.  could  not  be  of  long  duration,  proved  indeed 
too  true.  A  regard  to  private  intereft  ever  op- 
erates more  forcibly  on  the  bulk  of  mankind 
than  the  ties  of  honor,  or  the  principles  of  pat- 
riotifm  ;  and  when  the  latter  are  incompatible 
with  the  former,  the  balance  feldom  hangs  long 
in  equilibrio.  Thus  it  is  not  uncommon  to  fee 
virtue,  liberty,  love  of  country,  and  regard  to 
character,  facrificed  at  the  fhririe  of  wealth. 

-  The  winter  following  this  falutary  combina- 

tion, a  partial  repeal  of  the  act  impofing  duties  on 
certain  articles  of  Britifli  manufacture  took  place. 
On  this  it  immediately  appeared  that  fome  in 
New  York  had  previoufly  given  conditional  or- 
ders to  their  correfpondents,  that  if  the  meaf- 
ures  of  parliament  mould  in  any  degree  be  re- 
laxed,  that   without  farther  application  they 
mould  furnifli  them  with  large  quantities  of 
goods.     Several  in  the  other  colonies  had  dif- 
covered  as  much  avidity  for  an  early  importa- 
tion as  the  Yorkers.     They  had  given  fimilar 
orders,  and  both  received  larger  fupplies  than 
ufual,   of  Britifli   merchandize,   early   in    the 
fpring  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fixty- 
nine.     The  people    of  courfe   confidered    the 
agreement  nullified  by  the  conduct  of  the  mer- 
chants, and  the  intercourfe  with  England  for  a 
time  went  on   as   ufual,  without    any  check. 
Thus,  by  breaking  through  the  agreement  with- 
in the  limited  time  of  reftriction,  a  meafure  was 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION*  71 

defeated,  which,  had  it  been  religioufly  ob-  CHAP- m- 
ferved,  might  have  prevented  the  tragical  con-  1759. 
fequences  which  enfued. 

After  this  event,  a  feries  of  altercation  and 
abufe,  of  recrimination  and  fufpenfe,  was  kept 
up  on  both  fides  the  Atlantic,  without  much 
appearance  of  lenity  on  the  one  fide,  or  decifion 
on  the  other.  There  appeared  little  difpofition 
in  parliament  to  relax  the  reins  of  government, 
and  lefs  in  the  Americans  to  yield  implicit 
obedience.  But  whether  from  an  opinion 
that  they  had  taken  the  lead  in  oppofition,  or 
whether  from  their  having  a  greater  propor- 
tion of  Britifh  fycophants  among  themfelves, 
whofe  artful  infinuations  operated  againfl  their 
country,  or  from  other  concurring  circumftan- 
ces,  the  Maffachufetts  was  ftill  the  principal 
butt  of  miniflerial  refentment.  It  is  therefore 
neceffary  yet  to  continue  a  more  particular  de- 
tail of  the  fituation  of  that  province. 

As  their  charter  was  not  yet  annihilated,  gov- 
ernor Bernard  found  himfelf  under  a  neceffity, 
as  the  period  of  annual  election  approached,  to 
iilue  writs  to  convene  a  general  affembly.  Ac- 
cordingly a  new  houfe  of  reprefentatives  met 
at  Bofton  as  ufual  on  the  thirty-firft  of  May, 
one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fixty-nine. 
They  immediately  petitioned  the  governor  to 
remove  the  military  parade  that  furrounded  the 
ftate-houfe,  urging,  that  fuch  a,  hoflile  appear- 


72  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

ance   might   over-awe  their  proceedings,   and 
1769.      prevent  the  freedom  of  election  and  debate. 

A  unanimous  refolve  patted,  "that  it  was 
"  the  opinion  of  the  houfe,  that  placing  an  arm- 
"  ed  force  in  the  metropolis  while  the  general 
"  aflembly  is  there  convened,  is  a  breach  of 
"  privilege,  and  totally  inconfiftent  with  the 
"  dignity  and  freedom  with  which  they  ought 
"  to  deliberate  and  determine  ;" — adding,  "  that 
"  they  meant  ever  to  fupport  their  conftitution- 
"  al  rights,  that  they  mould  never  voluntarily 
"  recede  from  their  juft  claims,  contained  both 
"  in  the  letter  and  fpirit  of  the  conftitution." 

After  feveral  meffages  both  from  the  council 
and  houfe  of  reprefentatives,  the  governor,  ever 
obftinate  in  error,  declared  he  had  no  au- 
thority over  the  king's  troops,  nor  mould  he 
ufe  any  influence  to  have  them  removed.* 
Thus  by  exprefs  acknowledgment  of  the  firft 
magiftrate,  it  appeared  that  the  military  was  fet 
fo  far  above  the  civil  authority,  that  the  laft 
was  totally  unable  to  check  the  wanton  exer- 
cife  of  this  newly  eftablifhed  power  in  the  prov- 
ince. But  the  afTembly  peremptorily  deter- 
mined to  do  no  bufmefs  while  thus  infulted  by 
the  planting  of  cannon  at  the  doors  of  the  ftate- 
houfe,  and  interrupted  in  their  folemn  deliber- 
ations by  the  noify  evolutions  of  military  difci- 
pline. 

*  Journals  of  the  houfe,  one  thoufand  feven  hundred 
and  fixty-nine. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  73 

The  royal  charter  required  that  they  fhould  CHAP-  "*• 
proceed  to  the  choice  of  a  fpeaker,  and  the  elec-  1759. 
tion  of  a  council,  the  firft  day  of  the  meeting  of 
the  afTembly.  They  had  conformed  to  this  as 
ufual,  but  protefted  againft  its  being  confidered 
as  a  precedent  on  any  future  emergency.  Thus 
amidft  the  warmeft  expreffions  of  refentment 
from  all  claffes,  for  the  indignity  offered  a  free 
people  by  this  haughty  treatment  to  their  legif- 
lature,  the  governor  fuffered  them  to  fit  feveral 
weeks  without  doing  bufinefs  ;  and  at  laft 
compelled  them  to  give  way  to  an  armed  force, 
by  adjourning  the  general  afTernbly  to  Cam- 
bridge. 

The  internal  ftate  of  the  province  required 
the  attention  of  the  houfe  at  this  critical  exi- 
gence of  affairs.  They  therefore  on  their  firft 
meeting  at  Cambridge,  refolved,  "  That  it  was 
"  their  opinion  that  the  Britifh  conftitution  ad- 
"  mits  no  armed  force  within  the  realm,  but 
"  for  the  purpofe  of  offenfive  or  defenfive  war. 
"  That  placing  troops  in  the  colony  in  the  midil 
"  of  profound  peace  was  a  breach  of  privilege, 
"  an  infraction  on  the  natural  rights  of  the  peo- 
"  pie,  and  manifeftly  fubverfive  of  that  happy 
"  form  of  government  they  had  hitherto  enjoy- 
"  ed.  That  the  honor,  dignity,  and  fervice 
"  of  the  fovereign  mould  be  attended  to  by 
"  that  afTembly,  fo  far  as  was  confiflent  with 
"  the  juft  rights  of  the  people,  their  own  digni- 
"  ty,  and  the  freedom  of  debate  ;  but  that  pro- 

VOL.  i.  K 


74*  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    Otf 

CHAP.  m.       "  ceeding  to  bufinefs  while  an  armed  force 
,.  "  quartered  in  the  province,  was  not  a  derelic- 

"  tion  of  the  privileges  legally  claimed  by  the 
"  colony,  but  from  neceffity,  and  that  no  undue 
"  advantage  mould  be  taken  from  their  com* 
"  pliance." 

After  this,  they  had  not  time  to  do  any  other 
bufinefs,  before  two  meflages  of  a  very  extraor- 
dinary nature,  in  their  opinion,  were  laid  before 
them.*  The  firft  was  an  order  under  the  iign- 
manual  of  the  king,  that  Mr.  Bernard  mould 
repair  to  England  to  lay  the  ftate  of  the  prov- 
ince before  him.  To  this  meflage  was  tacked  a 
requeft  from  the  governor,  that  as  he  attend- 
ed his  majefty's  pleafure  as  commander  in  chief 
of  the  province,  his  falary  might  be  continued, 
though  abfent.  The  fubftance  of  the  other 
meflage  was  an  account  of  general  Gage's  ex- 
penditures in  quartering  his  troops  in  the  town 
of  Bofton  ;  accompanied  by  an  unqualified  de- 
mand for  the  eftablifhment  of  funds  for  the  dif- 
charge  thereof.  The  governor  added,  that  he 
was  requefted  by  general  Gage  to  make  requi- 
iition  for  future  provifion  for  quartering  his 
troops  within  the  town. 

The  fubfequent  refolves  of  the  houfe  on 
thefe  meflages  were  conformable  to  the  ufual 
fpirit  of  that  aflembly.  They  warmly  cenfured 


.*  Journals  of  the  firft  feffion  at  Cambridge. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

both  governor  Bernard  and  general  Gage  for 
wantonly  acting  againft  the  conftitution  ;  char-  ^ 
ged  them  with  making  falfe  and  injurious  rep- 
refentations  againft  his  majefty's  faithful  fub- 
jects,  and  difcovering  on  all  occafions  a  moft  in- 
imical difpofition  towards  the  colonies.  They 
obferved  that  general  Gage  had  rafhlyand  imper- 
tinently intermeddled  with  affairs  altogether  out 
of  his  line,  and  that  he  had  betrayed  a  degree 
of  ignorance  equal  to  his  malice,  when  he  pre- 
fumed  to  touch  on  the  civil  police  of  the  prov- 
ince. They  complained  heavily  of  the  arbitrary 
defigns  of  government,  the  introduction  of  a 
ftanding  army,  and  the  encroachments  on  civil 
liberty ;  and  concluded  with  a  declaration  re- 
plete with  fentiments  of  men  confciout  of 
their  own  freedom  and  integrity,  and  deeply 
affected  with  the  injuries  offered  their  country. 
They  obferved,  that  to  the  utmoft  of  their  pow- 
er they  fhould  vindicate  the  rights  of  human 
nature  and  the  privileges  of  Englishmen,  and 
explicitly  declared  that  duty  to  their  conftitu- 
erits  forbade  a  compliance  with  either  of  thefe  - 
meffages.  This  clear,  decided  anfwer  being 
delivered,  the  governor  fummoned  the  houfe 
to  attend,  and  after  a  fliort,  angry,  and  threat- 
ening fpeech,  he  prorogued  the  aflembly  to 
January,  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and 
feventy. 

Governor   Bernard   immediately   embarked 
for  Europe,  from  whence  he  i>ever  more  re- 


76  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

in.  turned  to  a  country,  he  had,  by  his  arbitrary 
difpoiition  and  indifcreet  conduct,  inflamed  to 
a  degree,  that  required  both  judgment  and  pru- 
dence to  cool,  perhaps  beyond  the  abilities,  and 
certainly  incompatible  with  the  views,  of  the 
adminiftration  in ,  being. 

The  province  had  little  reafon  to  fuppofe, 
that  confiderations  of  the  intereft  of  the  people 
had  any  part  in  the  recal  or  detention  of  this 
mifchievous  emiffary.  His  reception  at  court, 
the  fummary  proceedings  with  regard  to  his 
impeachment  and  trial,  and  the  character  of 
the  man  appointed  to  fucceed  him,  ftrongly 
counteracted  fuch  a  flattering  opinion.  Not- 
witfiftanding  the  high  charges  that  had  been 
alleged  againft  governor  Bernard,  he  was  ac- 
quitted by  the  king  and  council,  without  allow- 
ing time  to  the  aflembly  to  fupport  their  accu- 
fations,  honored  with  a  title,  and  rewarded 
with  a  penfion  of  one  thoufand  pounds  fterling 
per  annum  on  the  Irifli  eftablifhment. 

Governor  Bernard  had  reafon  to  be  perfectly 
fatisfied  with  the  fuccefs  of  his  appointment  to 
the  government  of  MafTachufetts,  as  it  related 
to  his  perfonal  intereft.  His  conduct  there 
procured  him  the  fmiles  of  the  Britiih  court, 
an  honorary  title,  and  a  penfion  for  life.  Be- 
fides  this,  the  legiflature  of  that  province  had 
in  the  early  part  of  his  adminiftration,  in  a  mo- 
ment of  complacency,  or  perhaps  from  digefted 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  77 


policy,  with  a  hope  of  bribing  him  to  his  duty 
andftimulat  in  ghim  to  defend  their  invaded  rights,  ^ 
made  him  a  grant  of  a  very  large  tract  of  land, 
the  whole  of  the  ifland  of  Mount  Defert.  This 
was  afterwards  reclaimed  by  a  Madame  Gre- 
goire,  in  right  of  her  anceftors,  who  had  ob- 
tained a  patent  of  fome  part  of  that  country 
in  the  early  days  of  European  emigration. 
But  as  governor  Bernard's  property  in  Amer- 
ica had  never  been  confifcated,  the  general  af- 
fembly  of  Maffachufetts  afterwards  granted  to 
his  fon,  Sir  John  Bernard,  who  flill  poffefles 
this  territory,  twro  townfhips  of  land  near  the 
river  Kennebeck,  in  lieu  of  the  valuable  iile 
recovered  by  Madame  Gregoire. 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OP 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Character  of  Mr.  Hutchinfon. — Appointed  Governor  of 
Maffachufetts.-— The  attempted  AiTaflinationof  Mr.  Otis. 
— Tranfaclions  on  the  fifth  of  March,  one  thoufand 
feven  hundred  and  feventy. — Arrival  of  the  Eaft  India 
Company's  Tea-Ships, — Eftablilhment  of  Committees  of 
Correfpondence. — The  Right  of  Parliamentary  Taxation 
without  Reprefentation  urged  by  Mr.  Hutchinfon. — Ar- 
ticles of  Impeachment  refolved  on  in  the  Houfe  of  Re- 
prefentatives  again  ft  Governor  Hutchinfon  arid  Lieu- 
tenant Governor  Oliver.—  Chief  Juftice  of  the  Province 
impeached. — Bofton  Port- Bill. — Governor  Hutchinfon 
leaves  the  Province. 

IT  is  ever  painful  to  a  candid  mind  to  exhibit 
the  deformed  features  of  its  own  fpecies  ;  yet 
truth  requires  a  juft  portrait  of  the  public  de- 
linquent, though  he  may  poflefs  fuch  a  mare  of 
private  virtue  as  would  lead  us  to  efteem  the 
man  in  his  domeftic  character,  while  we  deteft 
his  political,  and  execrate  his  public  tranfac- 
tions. 

The  barriers  of  the  Britim  conftitution  brok- 
en over,  and  the  miniftry  encouraged  by  their 
fovereign,  to  purfue  the  iniquitous  fyftem  a- 
gainft  the  colonies  to  the  mdft  alarming  ex- 
tremities, they  probably  judged  it  a  prudent 
expedient,  in  order  to  curb  the  refractory  fpi- 
rit  of  the  Maffachufetts,  perhaps  bolder  in  fen- 
timent  and  earlier  in  oppoiition  than  fome  of 
the  other  colonies,  to  appoint  a  man  to  preiide 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION*  79 

over  them  who  had  renounced  the  quondam 
ideas  of  public  virtue,  and  facrificed  all  princi- 
pie  of  that  nature  on  the  altar  of  ambition. 

Soon  after  the  recal  of  Mr.  Bernard,  Tho- 
mas Hutchinfon,  Efq.  a  native  of  Boilon,  was 
appointed  to  the  government  of  Maflachufetts. 
All  who  yet  remember  his  pernicious  adminif- 
tration  and  the  fatal  confequences  that  enfued, 
agree,  that  few  ages  have  produced  a  more 
fit  inftrument  for  the  purpofes  of  a  corrupt 
court.  He  was  dark,  intriguing,  iniinuating, 
haughty  and  ambitious,  while  the  extreme  of 
avarice  marked  each  feature  of  his  character. 
His  abilities  were  little  elevated  above  the 
line  of  mediocrity  ;  yet  by  dint  of  induftry, 
exacl  temperance,  and  indefatigable  labor^ 
he  became  mafter  of  the  accomplifhments 
neceflary  to  acquire  popular  fame.  Though 
bred  a  merchant,  he  had  looked  into  the 
origin  and  the  principles  of  the  Britifh  con- 
flitution,  and  made  himfelf  acquainted  with 
the  feveral  forms  of  government  eltabliflied  in 
the  colonies  ;  he  had  acquired  fome  knowledge 
of  the  common  law  of  England,  diligently  flu-  . 
died  the  intricacies  of  Macbiavelian  policy, 
and  never  failed  to  recommend  the  Italian  maf- 
ter as  a  model  to  his  adherents. 

Raifed  and  diftinguiihed  by  every  honor  the 
people  could  beftow,  he  fupported  for  feveral 
years  the  reputation  of  integrity,  and  generally 


80  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP,  iv.'       decided  with  equity  in  his  judicial  capacity  ;* 
~~  and  by  the  appearance  of  a  tenacious  regard  to 

the  religious  inftitutions  of  his  country,  he 
courted  the  public  eclat  with  the  moft  profound 
diffimulation,  while  he  engaged  the  affections 
of  the  lower  claffes  by  an  amiable  civility  and 
condefcenfion,  without  departing  from  a  certain 
gravity  of  deportment  miftaken  by  the  vulgar 
for  fanflity. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  Maflachufetts  were 
the  lineal  defendants  of  the  puritans,  who 
had  ftruggled  in  England  for  liberty  as  early  as 
the  reign  of  Edward  the  iixth  ;  and  though  ob- 
fcured  in  the  fubfequent  bloody  perfecutions, 
even  Mr.  Hume  has  acknowledged  that  to 
them  England  is  indebted  for  the  liberty  me 
enjoy s.f  Attached  to  the  religious  forms  of 
their  anceftors,  equally  difguiled  with  the  hie- 
rarchy of  the  church  of  England,  and  prejudiced 
by  the  feverities  their  fathers  had  experienced 
before  their  emigration,  they  had,  both  by  edu- 
cation and  principle,  been  always  led  to  con- 
lider  the  religious  as  well  as  the  political  cha- 
rafters  of  thofe  they  deputed  to  the  higheft 
truft.  Thus  a  profeffion  of  their  own  reli- 
gious mode  of  worfhip,  and  fometimes  a  tinc- 
ture of  fuperftition,  was  with  many  a  higher 
recommendation  than  brilliant  talents.  This 

*  Judge  of  probate  for  the  county   of  Suffolk,   and 
chief  juftice  of  the  fupreme  court. 

f  Hume's  Hiftory  of  England. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  81 

accounts  in  fome  meafure  for  the  unlimited    CHA?  iv. 
confidence  long  placed  in  the  fpecious  accom- 
pliihments  of  Mr.  Hutchinfon,  whofe  character 
was    not  thoroughly  inveftigated  until  fome 
time  after  governor  Bernard  left  the  province. 

But  it  was  known  at  St.  James's,  that  in  pro- 
portion as  Mr.  Hutchinfon  gained  the  confi- 
dence of  adminiftration,  he  loft  the  efteem  of 
the  beft  of  his  countrymen  ;  for  this  reafon, 
his  advancement  to  the  chair  of  government 
was  for  a  time  poftponed  or  concealed,  left  the 
people  ihould  confider  themfelves  infulted  by 
fuch  an  appointment,  and  become  too  fuddenly 
irritated.  Appearances  had  for  feveral  years 
been  ftrong  againft  him,  though  it  was  not 
then  fully  known  that  he  had  feized  the  op- 
portunity to  undermine  the  happinefs  of  the 
people,  while  he  had  their  fulleft  confidence, 
and  to  barter  the  liberties  of  his  country  by  the 
moft  fliamelefs  duplicity.  This  was  foon  after 
difplayed  beyond  all  contradiction,  by  the  re- 
covery of  fundry  letters  to  adminiftration  un- 
der his  fignature. 

Mr.  Hutchinfon  was  one  of  the  firft  in  Amer- 
ica who  felt  the  full  weight  of  popular  refent- 
ment.  His  furniture  was  deftroyed,  and  his 
houfe  levelled  to  the  ground,  in  the  tumults 
occafioned  by  the  news  of  the  ftamp-ad.  Am- 
ple compenfation  was  indeed  afterwards  made 

VOL.  i,  i. 


82  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP-IV-       him  for  the  lofs  of  property,  but  the  ftrong 
1770.      prejudices  againft  his  political  character  were 
never  eradicated. 

All  pretences  to  moderation  on  the  part  of 
the  Britifh  government  now  laid  afide,  the  full 
appointment  of  Mr.  Hutchinfon  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Maflachufetts  was  publickly  announ- 
ced at  the  elofe  of  the  year  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  fixty-nine.  On  his  promotion  the 
new  governor  uniformly  obferved  a  more  high- 
handed and  haughty  tone  than  his  predeceffor. 
He  immediately,  by  an  explicit  declaration, 
avowed  his  independence  on  the  people,  and 
informed  the  legiilative  that  his  majefly  had 
made  ample  proviiion  for  his  fupport  without 
their  aid  or  fuffrages.  The  vigilant  guardians 
of  the  rights  of  the  people  directly  called  upon 
him  to  relinquiih  the  unconstitutional  ftipend, 
and  to  accept  the  free  grants  of  the  general  afTem- 
bly  for  his  fubfiftence,  as  ufually  praftifed.  He 
replied  that  an  acceptance  of  this  offer  would  be 
a  breach  of  his  inftructions  from  the  king.  This 
was  his  conftant  apology  for  every  arbitrary 
ftep. 

Secure  of  the  favor  of  his  fovereign,  and 
now  regardlefs  of  the  popularity  he  had  formerly 
courted  with  fuch  avidity,  he  decidedly  rejected 
the  idea  of  refponfibility  to,  or  dependence  on, 
the  people.  With  equal  inflexibility  he  difre- 
garded  all  arguments  ufed  for  the  removal  of  the 
troops  from  the  capital,  and  permiilion  to  the 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  83 

council  and  houfe  of  reprefentatives  to  return    CHAP  iv. 
to  the  ufual  feat  of  government.     He  filently  " 

heard  their  folicitations  for  this  purpofe,  and  as 
if  with  a  defign  to  pour  contempt  on  their  fuppli- 
cations  and  complaints,  he  within  a  few  days 
after  withdrew  a  garrifon,  in  the  pay  of  the 
province,  from  a  ftrong  fortrefs  in  the  harbour 
of  Bofton  ;  placed  two  regiments  of  the  king's 
troops  in  their  ftead,  and  delivered  the  keys  of 
the  caftle  to  colonel  Dalrymple,  who  then  com- 
manded the  king's  troops  through  the  province. 

Thefe  fteps,  which  feemed  to  bid  defiance  to 
complaint,  created  new  fears  in  the  minds  of  the 
people.  It  required  the  utmoft  vigilance  to  quiet 
the  murmurs  and  prevent  the  fatal  confequen* 
ces  apprehended  from  the  ebullitions  of  popular 
refentment.  But  cool,  deliberate  and  perfever- 
ing,  the  two  houfes  continued  to  refolve,  re- 
monftrate,  and  proteft,  again!!  the  infractions  on 
their  charter,  and  every  dangerous  innovation 
on  their  rights  and  privileges.  Indeed  the  in* 
trepid  and  fpirited  conduct  of  thofe,  who  flood 
forth  undaunted  at  this  early  crifis  of  hazard, 
will  dignify  their  names  fo  long  as  the  public 
records  mail  remain  to  witnefs  their  patriotic 
firmnefs. 

Many  circumftances  rendered  it  evident  that 
the  minifterial  party  wifhed  a  fpirit  of  oppoii- 
tion  to  the  deiigns  of  the  court  might  break 
out  into  violence,  even  at  the  expenfe  of  blood. 
This  they  thought  would  in  fome  degree  have 


84  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP. iv.  fan&ioned  a  meafure  fuggefted  by  one  of  the 
~ faction  in  America,  devoted  to  the  arbitrary 
fyftem,  "  That  fome  method  muft  be  devifed, 
"to  take  off  the  original  incendiaries*  whofe 
"  writings  inftilled  the  poifon  of  fedition 
"  through  the  vehicle  of  the  Bofton  Gazette."! 

Had  this  advice  been  followed,  and  a  few 
gentlemen  of  integrity  and  ability,  who  had 
fjririt  Sufficient  to  make  an  effort  in  favor  of 
their  country  in  each  colony,  have  been  feized 
at  the  fame  moment,  and  immolated  early  in 
the  conteft  on  the  bloody  altar  of  power,  perhaps 
Great  Britain  might  have  held  the  continent  in 
fubjeclion  a  few  years  longer. 

That  they  had  meafures  of  this  nature  in 
contemplation  there  is  not  a  doubt.  Several 

*  See  Andrew  Oliver's  letter  to  one  of  the  miniftry, 
dated  February  13,  1769. 

f  This  gazette  was  much  celebrated  for  the  freedom 
of  its  difquiiitions  in  favor  of  civil  liberty.  It  has  been 
obferved  that  "  it  will  be  a  treafury  of  political  intelligence 
"for  the  hiftorians  of  this  country.  Otis,  Thacher,  Dex- 
"  ter,  Adams,  Warren  and  Quincy,  Doftors  Samuel 
"  Cooper  and  Mayhew,  ftars  of  the  firft  magnitude  in  our 
"  northern  hemifphere,  whole  glory  and  brightnefs  diftant 
"  ages  will  admire ;  thefe  gentlemen  of  character  and  in- 
"  fluence  offered  their  firft  effays  to  the  public  through 
"  the  medium  of  the  Bofton  Gazette,  on  which  account 
"  the  paper  became  odious  to  the  friends  of  prerogative, 
"  but  not  more  difgufting  to  the  tories  and  high  church 
"  than  it  was  pleafing  to  the  whigs."  See  collection  of 
the  Maffachufetts  Hiftorical  Society. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  85 

inftances  of  a  lefs  atrocious  nature  confirmed  CHAP.IV. 
this  opinion,  and  the  turpitude  of  defign  which 
at  this  period  actuated  the  court  party  was 
clearly  evinced  by  the  attempted  affailination 
of  the  celebrated  Mr.  Otis,  juftly  deemed  the 
firft  martyr  to  American  freedom  ;  and  truth 
will  enrol  his  name  among  the  in  oft  diflinguifh- 
ed  patriots  who  have  expired  on  the  u  blood- 
"  ftained  theatre  of  human  action." 

This  gentleman,  whofe  birth  and  education 
was  equal  to  any  in  the  province,  pofieffed  an 
eafy  fortune,  independent  principles,  a  compre- 
henlive  genius,  ftrong  mind,  retentive  mem- 
ory, and  great  penetration.  To  thefe  endow- 
ments may  be  added  that  extenfive  profeffional 
knowledge,  which  at  once  forms  the  character 
of  the  complete  civilian  and  the  able  ftatefman. 

In  his  public  fpeeches,  the  fire  of  eloquence, 
the  acumen  of  argument,  and  the  lively  fallies 
of  wit,  at  once  warmed  the  bofom  of  the  ftoic 
and  commanded  the  admiration  of  his  enemies. 
To  his  probity  and  generofity  in  the  public 
walks  were  added  the  charms  of  affability  and 
improving  converfe  in  private  life.  His  human- 
ity was  confpicuous,  his  fincerity  acknowledged, 
his  integrity  unimpeached,  his  honor  unblem- 
ifhed,  and  his  patriotifm  marked  with  the  dif- 
intereftednefs  of  the  Spartan.  Yet  he  was  fuf- 
ceptible  of  quick  feelings  and  warm  paflions, 
which  in  the  ebullitions  of  zeal  for  the  intereft 
of  his  country  fometimes  betrayed  him  into 


86  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

unguarded  epithets  that  gave  his  foes  an  advan- 
1770.      ta§e?  without  benefit  to  the  caufe  that  lay  near- 
eft  his  heart, 

He  had  been  affronted  by  the  partizans  of 
the  crown,  vilified  in  the  public  papers,  and 
treated  (after  his  refignation  of  office*)  in  a 
manner  too  grofs  for  a  man  of  his  fpirit  to  pafs 
over  with  impunity.  Fearlefs  of  confequences, 
he  had  always  given  the  world  his  opinions 
both  in  his  writings  and  his  converfation,  and 
had  recently  publimed  fome  fevere  ftrictures  on 
the  conduct  of  the  commiffioners  of  the  cuf- 
toms  and  others  of  the  minifterial  party,  and 
bidding  defiance  to  refentment,  he  fupported 
his  allegations  by  the  fignature  of  his  name. 

A  few  days  after  this  publication  appeared,  Mr, 
Otis  with  only  one  gentleman  in  company  was 
fuddenly  affaulted  in  a  public  room,  by  a  band 
of  ruffians  armed  with  fwords  and  bludgeons. 
They  were  headed  by  John  Robinfon,  one  of 
the  commiffioners  of  the  cuftoms.  The  lights 
were  immediately  extinguifhed,  and  Mr.  Qtis 
covered  with  wounds  was  left  for  dead,  while 
the  aflaffins  made  their  way  through  the  crowd 
which  began  to  affemble ;  and  before  their  crime 
was  difcovered,  fortunately  for  themfelves, 
they  efcaped  foon  enough  to  take  refuge  on 
board  one  of  the  king's  mips  which  then  lay  in 
the  harbor. 

*  Office  of  judge  advocate  in  governor  Bernard's  ad- 

miniftration. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  87 

In  a  ftate  of  nature,  the  favage  may  throw  his  CHAP.  iv. 
poifoned  arrow  at  the  man,  whofe  foul  exhibits 
a  tranfcript  of  benevolence  that  upbraids  his 
own  ferocity,  and  may  boaft  his  blood-thirfty 
deed  among  the  hordes  of  the  foreft  without 
difgrace  ;  but  in  a  high  ftage  of  civilization, 
where  humanity  is  cherifhed,  and  politenefs  is 
become  a  fcience,  for  the  dark  aflaifin  then  to 
level  his  blow  at  fuperior  merit,  and  fcreen 
himfelf  in  the  arms  of  power,  reflects  an  odium 
on  the  government  that  permits  it,  and  puts 
human  nature  to  the  blufh. 

The  party  had  a  complete  triumph  in  this 
guilty  deed  ;  for  though  the  wounds  did  not 
prove  mortal,  the  confequences  were  tenfold 
worfe  than  death.  The  future  ufefulnefs  of 
this  diftinguilhed  friend  of  his  country  was 
deftroyed,  reafon  was  maken  from  its  throne, 
genius  obfcured,  and  the  great  man  in  ruins 
lived  feveral  years  for  his  friends  to  weep  over, 
and  his  country  to  lament  the  deprivation  of 
talents  admirably  adapted  to  promote  the  high- 
eft  interefts  of  fociety. 

This  cataftrophe  mocked  the  feelings  of  the 
virtuous  not  lefs  than  it  raifed  the  indignation 
of  the  brave.  Yet  a  remarkable  fpirit  of  for- 
bearance continued  for  a  time,  owing  to  the 
refpeft  ftill  paid  to  the  opinions  of  this  unfortu- 
nate gentleman,  whofe  voice  though  always  op- 
pofed  to  the  ftrides  of  defpotifm  was  ever  loud 
againft  all  tumultuous  and  illegal  proceedings. 


88  THE  RISE  AND  PROGRESS  OF 

CHAP.  iv.  He  was  after  a  partial  recovery  fenfible  himfelf 
~~~  of  his  incapacity  for  the  exercife  of  talents 
that  had  fhone  with  peculiar  luftre,  and  often 
invoked  the  meiTenger  of  death  to  give  him  a 
fudden  releafe  from  a  life  become  burdenfome 
in  every  view  but  when  the  calm  interval  of  a 
moment  permitted  him  the  recollection  of  his 
own  integrity.  In  one  of  thofe  intervals  of 
beclouded  reafon  he  forgave  the  murderous 
band,  after  the  principal  ruffian  had  afked  pardon 
in  a  court  of  juftice  ;*  and  at  the  interceflion 
of  the  gentleman  whom  he  had  fo  grofsly  abuf- 
ed,  the  people  forebore  inflicting  that  fummary 
vengeance  which  was  generally  thought  due  to 
fo  black  a  crime. 

Mr.  Otis  lived  to  fee  the  independence  of 
America,  though  in  a  ftate  of  mind  incapable  of 
enjoying  fully  the  glorious  event  which  his  own 
exertions  had  precipitated.  After  feveral  years 
of  mental  derangement,  as  if  in  confequence 
of  his  own  prayers,  his  great  foul  was  in- 
ftantly  fet  free  by  a  flam  of  lightning,  from 
the  evils  in  which  the  love  of  his  country 
had  involved  him.  His  death  took  place  in 
May,  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  eighty 

*  On  a  civil  procefs  commenced  againft  him,  John 
Robinfon  was  adjudged  to  pay  five  thoufand  pounds  fter- 
ling  damages  ;  but  Mr.  Otis  defpifing  all  pecuniary  com- 
penfation,  relmquiflied  it  on  the  culprit's  alking  pardon 
and  fetting  his  fignature  to  a  very  humble  acknowledg- 
ment. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  &9 

three,  the  fame  year  the  peace  was   concluded    CHAP-1V- 
between  Great  Britain  and  America.*  1770. 

Though  the  parliamentary  fyftem  of  colonial 
regulations  was  in  many  inftances  fimilar,  an<jl 
equally  aimed  to  curtail  the  privileges  of  each 
province,  yet  no  military  force  had  been  ex- 
prefsly  called  in  aid  of  civil  authority  in  any  of 
them,  except  the  MafTachufetts.  From  this  cir- 

<*  A  fitter  touched  by  the  tendered  feelings,  while  ihe 
•has  thought  it  her  duty  to  do  juftice  to  a  character  neg- 
lected by  forae,  and  milreprefented  by  other  hitlorians,  can 
exculpate  herfelf  from  all  fufpicion  of  partiality  by  the  tefti- 
mony  of  many  of  his  countrymen  who  witneiled  his  private 
merit  and  public  exertions.  But  fhe  will  however  only  fub- 
join  a  paragraph  of  a  letter  written  to  the  author  of  thefe  an- 
nals, on  the  news  of  Mr.  Otis's  death,  by  John  Adams, 
Efq.  then  minifter  plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States 
to  the  court  of  France. 

"  Paris,  September  TOth,  1783. 
*'  It  was,  Madam,  with  -*ery  afflicting  fentiments  I 
*«  learned  the  death  of  Mr.  Otis,  my  worthy  matter.  Extra- 
**  ordinary  in  death  as  in  life,  he  has  left  a  character  that 
"  will  never  die  while  the  memory  of  the  American  revolu- 
«  tion  remains  ;  whofe  foundation  he  laid  with  an  energy, 
4<  and  with  thofe  mafterly  abilities,  which  no  other  man  pof- 
"feffed." 

The  reader  alfo  may  not  be  dtfpleafed  at  an  extempo- 
rary exclamation  of  a  gentleman  of  poetic  talents,  on  hear- 
ing of  the  death  of  Mr.  Otis. 

"  When  God  in  anger  faw  the  fpot, 

"  Oh  earth  to  Otis  given, 
"  In  thunder  as  from  Sinai's  mount, 
"  He  fnatch'd  him  back  to  heaven." 

VOL.  I.  M 


90  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  iv.       cumftance  fome  began  to  flatter  themfelves  that 

— ~         more  lenient  difpofitions  were  operating  in  the 

mind  of  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  in 

the  parliament  and  the  people  towards  America 

in  general. 

They  had  grounded  thefe  hopes  on  the  ftrong 
afiurances  of  feveral  of  the  plantation  governors, 
particularly  lord  Botetourt,  who  then  prefided 
in  Virginia.  He  had  in  a  fpeech  to  the  affembly 
of  the  colony,  in  the  winter  of  one  thoufand 
feven  hundred  and  fixty-nine,  declared  himfelf 
fo  confident  that  full  fatisfaction  would  be  given 
to  the  provinces  in  the  future  conduct  of  ad- 
miniftration,  that  he  pledged  his  faith  to  fupport 
to  the  laft  hour  of  his  life  the  intereft  of  Amer- 
ica. He  obferved,  that  he  grounded  his  own 
opinions  and  his  affurances  to  them,  on  the  inti- 
mations of  the  confidential  fervants  of  the  king 
which  authorized  him  to  promife  redrefs.  He 
added,  that  to  his  certain  knowledge  his  fove- 
reign  had  rather  part  with  his  crown,  than  pre- 
ferve  it  by  deception. 

The  credulity  of  this  gentleman  was  undoubt- 
edly impofed  upon  ;  however,  the  Virginians, 
ever  fteady  and  fyftematic  in  oppofition  to 
tyranny,  were  for  a  time  highly  gratified  by 
thofe  aiTurances  from  their  firft  magiftrate. 
But  their  vigilance  was  foon  called  into  exer- 
cife  by  the  mal-adminiftration  of  a  fucceeding 
governor,  though  the  fortitude  of  this  pat- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  91 

riotic  colony  was  never  fhaken  by  the  frown  of    CHAV  iv. 
any  defpotic   matter  or  matters.     Some  of  the        ^ 
other  colonies  had  liftened  to  the  foothing  lan- 
guage of  moderation  ufed  by  their  chief  execu- 
tive officers,  and  were  for  a  fhort  time  influen- 
ced by  that,  and  the  flattering  hopes  held  up  by 
the  governor  of  Virginia. 

But  before  the  period  to  which  we  have 
arrived  in  the  narration  of  events,  thefe  flatter- 
ing appearances  had  evaporated  with  the  breath 
of  the  courtier.  The  fubfequent  conduct  of 
adminiftration  baffled  the  expectations  of  the 
credulous.  The  hand  of  government  was  more 
heavily  felt  through  the  continent ;  and  from 
South  Carolina  to  Virginia,  and  from  Virginia 
to  New  Hampfhire,  the  mandate  of  a  minifter 
was  the  iignal  for  the  diflblution  of  their  aflem- 
blies.  The  people  were  compelled  to  refort  to 
conventions  and  committees  to  tranfact  all 
public  bulinefs,  to  unite  in  petitions  for  relief, 
or  to  take  the  neceffary  preparatory  fteps  if 
finally  obliged  to  refift  by  arms. 

In  the  mean  time  the  inhabitants  of  the  town 
of  Bofton  had  fuffered  almoft  every  fpecies  of 
infult  from  the  Britim  foldiery  ;  who,  counte- 
nanced by  the  royal  party,  had  generally  found 
means  to  icreen  themfelves  from  the  hand  of  the 
civil  officers.     Thus  all  authority  retted  on  the 
point  of  the  fword,  and   the  partizuns  of  the 
crown  triumphed  for  a  time  in  the  plenitude  of 


92  THE    RIS3*    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

•HAP.  iv.  military  power.  Yet  the  meafure  and  the  man- 
Ll  ner  of  porting  troops  in  the  capital  of  the  prov- 
ince, had  roufed  fuch  jealoufy  and  difguft,  as 
could  not  be  fubdued  by  the  fcourge  that  hung 
over  their  heads.  Continual  bickerings  took 
place  in  the  ftreets  between  the  foldiers  and  the 
citizens  ;  the  infolence  of  the  firft,  which  had 
been  carried  fo  far  as  to  excite  the  African 
flaves  to  murder  their  mailers,  with  the  prom- 
ife  of  impunity,*  and  the  indifcretion  of  the 
laft,  was  often  productive  of  tumults  and  difor- 
der  that  led  the  moft  cool  and  temperate  to  be 
apprehenfive  of  confequences  of  the  moft  feri- 
dus  nature. 

No  previous  outrage  had  given  fuch  a  gen- 
eral alarm,  as  the  commotion  on  the  fifth  of 
March, one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy. 
Yet  the  accident  that  created  a  refentment 
which  emboldened  the  timid,  determined  the 
wavering,  and  awakened  an  energy  and  deci- 
fion  that  neither  the  artifices  of  the  courtier, 
nor  the  terror  of  the  fword  could  eafily  over- 
come, arofe  from  a  trivial  circumftance  ;  a  cir- 
cumftance  \vhich  but  from  the  consideration 
that  thefe  minute  accidents  frequently  lead  to 

*  Capt.  Wilfon  of  the  29th  regiment  was  detected  in 
the  infamous  practice  ;  and  it  was  proved  beyond  a  doubt 
by  the  teftimony  of  fome  refpectable  citizens,  who  declared 
on  oath,  that  they  had  accidentally  \vitnefled  the  offer  of 
reward  to  the  blacks,  by  fome  fubaltern  officers,  if  they 
would  rob  and  murder  their  rnafters. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  93 

the  m6ft  important  events,  would  be  beneath    CHAP.  iv. 

the  dignity  of  hiftory  to  record. 

1770. 

A  centinel  pofted  at  the  door  of  the  cuftom 
houfe  had  feized  and  abufed  a  boy,  for  calling 
fome  opprobrious  reflections  on  an  officer  of 
rank ;  his  cries  collected  a  number  of  other 
lads,  who  took  the  childilh  revenge  of  pelting 
the  foldier  with  mow-balls.  The  main-guard 
Rationed  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  cuftom- 
houfe,  was  informed  by  fome  perfons  from 
thence,  of  the  riling  tumult.  They  immediately 
turned  out  under  the  command  of  a  captain 
Prefton,  and  beat  to  arms.  Several  fracas  of  lit- 
tle moment  had  taken  place  between  the  foldiery 
and  fome  of  the  lower  clafs  of  inhabitants,  and 
probably  both  were  in  a  temper  to  avenge  their 
own  private  wrongs.  The  cry  of  fire  was  raif- 
ed  in  all  parts  of  the  town,  the  mob  collected, 
and  the  foldiery  from  all  quarters  ran  through 
the  ftreets  fword  in  hand,  threatening  and 
wounding  the  people,  and  with  every  appear- 
ance of  hoftility,  they  rulhed  furioully  to  the 
centre  of  the  town. 

The  foldiers  thus  ready  for  execution,  and 
the  populace  grown  outrageous,  the  whole  town 
was  juftly  terrified  by  the  unufual  alarm.  This 
naturally  drew  out  perfons  of  higher  condition, 
and  more  peaceably  difpofed,  to  inquire  the 
caufe.  Their  confternation  can  fcarcely  be  de- 
fcribed,  when  they  found  orders  were  given  to 


94  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

fire  promifcuoufly  among  the  unarmed  multi- 
tude. Five  or  fix  perfons  fell  at  the  firft  fire, 
and  fever al  more  were  dangeroufly  wounded  at 
their  own  doors. 


Thefe  fudden  popular  commotions  are  feldom 
to  be  juftified,  and  their  confequences  are  ever 
to  be  dreaded.  It  is  needlefs  to  make  any  ob- 
fervations  on  the  affumed  rights  of  royalty,  in  a 
time  of  peace  to  difperfe  by  military  murder 
the  diforderly  and  riotous  affemblage  of  a 
thoughtlefs  multitude.  The  queftion  has  fre- 
quently been  canvaffed  ;  and  was  on  this  occa- 
fion  thoroughly  difcufTed,  by  gentlemen  of  the 
firft  profeflional  abilities, 

The  remains  of  loyalty  to  the  fovereign  of 
Britain  were  not  yet  extinguifhed  in  American 
bofoms,  neither  were  the  feelings  of  compaflion, 
which  fhrunk  at  the  idea  of  human  carnage ,  ob- 
literated. Yet  this  outrage  enkindled  a  general 
refentment  that  could  not  be  difguifed  ;  but  ev- 
ery method  that  prudence  could  dictate,  was 
ufed  by  a  number  of  influential  gentlemen  to 
cool  the  fudden  ferment,  to  prevent  the  popu- 
lace from  attempting  immediate  vengeance,  and 
to  prevail  on  the  multitude  to  retire  quietly  to 
their  own  houfes,  and  wait  the  decifions  of  law 
and  equity.  They  effected  their  humane  pur- 
poies  ;  the  people  difperfed  ;  and  captain  Prei- 
ton  and  his  party  were  taken  into  cuftody  of 
the  civil  rnagiftrate.  A  judicial  inquiry  was  af- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  95 

terwards  made  into  their  conduct ;  and  fo  far 
from  being  actuated  by  any  partial  or  undue 
bias,  fome  of  the  firft  counfellors  at  law  engag- 
ed in  their  defence  ;  and  after  a  fair  and  legal 
trial  they  were  acquitted  of  premeditated  or 
wilful  murder,  by  a  jury  of  the  county  of  Suf- 
folk. 

The  people,  not  difmayed  by  the  blood 
of  their  neighbors  thus  wantonly  fhed,  de- 
termined no  longer  to  fubmit  to  the  infolence 
of  military  power.  Colonel  Dalrymple,  who 
commanded  in  Bofton,  was  informed  the  day 
after  the  riot  in  King  Street,  "  that  he  muft 
"  withdraw  his  troops  from  the  town  within  a 
"  limited  term,  or  hazard  the  confequences." 

The  inhabitants  of  the  town  affembled  in 
Faneuil  Hall,  where  the  fubjecl:  was  difcufled 
with  becoming  fpirit,  and  the  people  unanimoui- 
ly  refolved-,  that  no  armed  force  mould  be  fuf- 
fered  longer  to  refide  in  the  capital ;  that  if  the 
king's  troops  were  not  immediately  withdrawn 
by  their  own  officers,  the  governor  mould  be 
requefted  to  give  orders  for  their  removal,  and 
thereby  prevent  the  necefiity  of  more  rigorous 
fteps.  A  committee  from  the  body  was  depu- 
ted to  wait  on  the  governor,  and  requeft  him  to 
exert  that  authority  which  the  exigencies  of  the 
times  required  from  the  fupreme  magiftrate. 
Mr.  Samuel  Adams,  the  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee, with  a  pathos  and  addrefs  peculiar  to 


96  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  iv.      himfelf,   expofed   the   illegality  of  quartering 
— ~ —    troops  in  the  town  in  the  midft  of  peace  ;  he 
urged  the  apprehenfions  of  the  people,  and  the 
fatal  confequences  that  might  enfue  if  their  re- 
moval was  delayed. 

But  no  arguments  could  prevail  on  Mr. 
Hutchinfon  ;  who  either  from  timidity,  or  fome 
more  cenfurable  caufe,  evaded  acting  at  all  in 
the  bufinefs,  and  grounded  his  refufal  on  a  pre- 
tended want  of  authority.*  After  which,  col- 
onel Dalrymple,  wifhing  to  compromife  the 
matter,  confented  that  the  twenty-ninth  regi- 
ment, more  culpable  than  any  other  in  the  late 
tumult,  mould  be  fent  to  Caftle  Ifland.  This 
conceflion  was  by  no  means  fatisfactory ;  the 
people,  inflexible  in  their  demands,  infifted  that 
not  one  Britim  foldier  ihould  be  left  within 
the  town  ;  their  requifition  was  reluctantly 
complied  with,  and  within  four  days  the  whole 
army  decamped.  It  is  not  to  be  fuppofed,  that 
this  compliance  of  Britim  veterans  originated 
in  their  fears  of  an  injured  and  incenfed  people, 
who  were  not  yet  prepared  to  refift  by  arms. 
They  were  undoubtedly  feniible  they  had  ex- 
ceeded their  orders,  and  anticipated  the  deligns 
of  their  matter;  they  had  rafhly  begun  the 
fiaughter  of  Americans,  and  enkindled  the 
flames  of  civil  war  in  a  country,  where  alle- 
giance had  not  yet  been  renounced. 

*  See  extra&s  of  Mr.   Hutchiiifon's  letters,   Appendix, 
No.  VIII, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  97 

After  the  hafty  retreat  of  the  king's  troops,  CHAP- 1V- 
Bofton  enjoyed  for  a  time,  a  degree  of  tranquil-  1770. 
lity  to  which  they  had  been  ftrangers  for  many 
months.  The  commiffioners  of  the  cuftoms  and 
feveral  other  obnoxious  characters  retired  with 
the  army  to  Caftle  William,  and  their  governor 
affected  much  moderation  and  tendernefs  to  his 
country  ;  at  the  fame  time  he  neglected  no  op- 
portunity to  ripen  the  prefent  meafures  of  ad- 
miniftration,  or  to  fecure  his  own  intereft, 
clofely  interwoven  therewith.  The  duplicity 
of  Mr.  Hutchinfon  was  foon  after  laid  open  by 
the  difcovery  of  a  number  of  letters  under  his 
fignature,  written  to  fome  individuals  in 
the  Britifh  cabinet.  Thefe  letters  detected  by 
the  vigilance  of  fome  friends  in  England,  were 
procured  and  fent  on  to  America.* 

Previous  to  this  event  there  were  many  per- 
fons  in  the  province  who  could  not  be  fully 
convinced,  that  at  the  fame  period  when  he  had 
put  on  the  guife  of  compailion  to  his  country, 
when  he  had  promifed  all  his  influence  to  obtain 
fome  relaxation  of  the  coercive  fyftem,  that  at 
that  moment  Mr.  Hutchinfon  mould  be  fo  loft 
to  the  ideas  of  fincerity,  as  to  be  artfully  plot- 
ting new  embarraffments  to  the  colonies  in 
general,  and  the  moft  mifchievous  projects 
againft  the  province  he  was  entrufted  to  gov- 
ern. Thus  convided  as  the  grand  incendiary 

*  The  original  letters    which  detefted  his  treachery 
were  procured  by  Doft.  Franklin,  and  publiftied  in  a  pam- 
VOL.  I.  N 


98  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  iv.       who  had  fown  the  feeds  of  difcord,  and  cher- 

'    ilhed  the  difpute  between   Great  Britain  and 
i  <-]*-  r\ 

the  colonies,  his  friends  blufhed  at  the  difcove- 
ry,  his  enemies  triumphed,  and  his  partizans 
were  confounded.  In  thefe  letters,  he  had  ex- 
preffed  his  doubt  of  the  propriety  of  fuffering 
the  colonies  to  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of  the 
parent  ftate  :  he  obferved,  that  "  there  muft  be 
tmabriclgmentof  Englijh  liberties,  in  colonial  admin- 
iftration,"  and  urged  with  malignant  art  the 
neceffity  of  the  refumption  of  the  charter  of 
Maflachufetts. 

Through  this  and  the  fucceeding  year  the 
Britiih  nation  were  much  divided  in  opinion 
relative  to  public  meafures,  both  at  home  and 
abroad.  Debates  and  animofities  ran  high  in 
both  houfes  of  parliament.  Many  of  their  beft 
orators  had  come  forward  in  defence  of  Amer- 
ica, with  that  eloquence  and  precifion  which 

phlet  at  Boftoii.  They  may  alfo  be  feen  in  the  Britifti 
Annual  Regifter,  and  in  a  large  collection  of  hiftorical 
papers  printed  in  London,  entitled  the  Remembrancer. 
The  agitation  into  which  many  were  thrown  by  the 
tranfmidion  of  thefe  letters,  produced  important  confequen- 
ces.  Docl.  Franklin  was  fhamefully  vilified  and  abufed  in 
an  outrageous  philippic  pronounced  by  Mr.  Wedderburne, 
afterwards  lord  Loughborough.  Threats,  challenges,  and 
duels  took  place,  but  it  was  not  discovered  by  what  means 
thefe  letters  fell  into  the  hands  of  Docl.  Franklin,  who 
(boil  after  repaired  to  America,  where  he  was  eminently 
ferviceable  in  aid  of  the  public  caufe  of  his  native 
•ountry. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION, 

proved  their  anceftry,  and  marked  the  fpirit  of  CHAP.  iv. 
a  nation  that  had  long  boafted  their  own  free- 
dom.  But  reafon  and  argument  are  feeble  bar- 
riers againft  the  will  of  a  monarch,  or  the  deter- 
minations of  potent  ariftocratical  bodies.  Thus 
the  fyftem  was  fixed,  the  meafures  were  ripen- 
ing, and  a  minrfter  had  the  boldnefs  to  declare 
publickly,  that  "  America  ihould  be  brought  to 
"  the  footftool  of  parliament,"*  and  humbled 
beneath  the  pedeilal  of  majefty. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  whole  American  con- 
tinent,  appeared  even  at  this  period  nearly  rea- 
dy for  the  laft  appeal,  rather  than  longer  to  fub* 
mit  to  the  mandates  of  an  overbearing  minifter 
of  ftate,  or  the  execution  of  his  corrupt  deiigns. 
The  mafterly  writers  of  this  enlightened  age, 
had  fo  clearly  defined  the  nature  and  origin  of 
government,  the  equal  claims  and  natural  rights 
of  man,  the  principles  of  the  Britilh  conftitu- 
tion,  and  the  freedom  the  fubject  had  a  right 
to  enjoy  thereby  ;  that  it  had  become  a  prevail- 
ing opinion,  that  government  and  legiilation 
were  inftituted  for  the  benefit  of  fociety  at  large, 
and  not  for  the  emolument  of  a  few  ;  and  that 
whenever  prerogative  began  to  ftretch  its  rapa- 
cious arm  beyond  certain  bounds,  it  was  an  in- 
difpenfable  duty  to  refift. 

Strongly  attached  to  Great  Britain,  not  only 
by  the  impreffion  of  ancient  forms,  and  the  hal> 

*  Lord  North's  fpeech  in  the  hpufe  of  commons. 


10O  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  iv.  its  of  fubmiffion  to  government,  but  by  relig- 
ion,  manners,  language,  and  confanguinity,  the 
colonies  flill  flood  fufpended  in  the  pacific  hope, 
that  a  change  of  miniilry  or  a  new  parliament, 
might  operate  in  their  favor,  and  reftore  tran- 
quillity,  by  the  removal  of  the  caufes  and  the  in- 
ftruments  of  their  fufferings. 

Not  yet  confcious  of  her  own  ftrength,  and 
fcarcely  ambitious  of  taking  an  independent 
rank  among  the  nations,  America  ftill  cherifhed 
the  flattering  ideas  of  reconciliation.  But  thefe 
expectations  were  finally  diflipated,  by  the  re- 
peated attempts  to  reduce  the  colonies  to  un- 
limited fubmiilion  to  the  fupreme  jurifdiction  of 
parliament,  and  the  illegal  exactions  of  the 
crown,  until  by  degrees  all  parliamentary  de- 
cifions  became  as  indifferent  to  an  American 
ear,  as  the  refcripts  of  a  Turkifh  divan. 

The  tame  acquiefcence  of  the  colonies,  would 
doubtlefs  have  given  great  advantages  to  the 
corrupt  party  on  one  fide  of  the  Atlantic, 
while  their  afliduous  agents  on  the  other,  did 
not  revolt  at  the  meaneft  and  moft  wicked  com* 
pliances  to  facilitate  the  defigns  of  their  employ- 
ers, or  to  gratify  their  own  inordinate  paflion 
for  power  and  wealth.  Thus  for  a  confiderable 
time,  a  ftruggle  was  kept  up  between  the  power 
of  one  country,  and  the  perfeverance  of  the 
other,  without  a  poffibility  of  calculating  confe- 
quences. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  101 

A  particular  detail  of  the  altercations  between 
the  reprefentatives,  the  burgeffes,  and  the  pro- 
vincial  governors,  the  remonftrances  of  the  peo^ 
pie,  the  refolves  of  their  legiflative  bodies,  and 
the  diffolution  of  their  affemblies  by  thejiat  of  a 
governor,  the  prayers  of  corporate  and  occupa- 
tional focieties,  or  the  petitions  of  more  pub- 
lic and  refpeclable  bodies ;  the  provocations 
on  the  fide  of  government,  and  the  riotous,  and 
in  fome  degree,  unjuftifiable  proceedings  of  the 
populace,  in  almoft  every  town  on  the  conti- 
nent, would  be  rather  tedious  than  entertaining, 
in  a  compendious  narrative  of  the  times.  It 
may  therefore,  be  well  to  pafs  over  a  year  or 
two,  that  produced  nothing  but  a  famenefs  of 
complaint,  and  a  fimilarity  of  oppofition,  on  the 
one  fide ;  and  on  the  other,  a  fyftematic  effort, 
to  pufh  the  darling  meafure  of  an  American 
taxation,  while  neither  party  had  much  reafon 
to  promife  themfelves  a  fpeedy  decifion. 

It  has  already  been  obferved,  that  the  reve- 
nue acts  which  had  occafioned  a  general  mur- 
mur, had  been  repealed,  except  a  fmall  duty  on 
all  India  teas,  by  which  a  claim  was  kept  up  to 
tax  the  colonies  at  pleafure,  whenever  it  mould 
be  thought  expedient.  This  was  an  article  ufed 
by  all  ranks  in  America  ;  a  luxury  of  liich  uni- 
verfal  consumption,  that  adminiftration  was  led 
to  believe,  that  a  monopoly  of  the  fales  of  tea, 
might  be  fo  managed,  as  to  become  a  productive 
fource  of  revenue. 


102  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  iv.  It    was    generally    believed    that    governor 

Hutchinfon  had  ilipulated  for  the  agency  for  his 
fons,  as  they  were  the  firft  in  comrniflion  ;  and 
that  he  had  folicited  for  them,  and  obtained  this 
odious  employment,  by  a  promife,  that  if  they 
were  appointed  fole  agents  to  the  Eaft  India 
company,  the  fales  mould  be  fo  executed  as  to 
give  perfect  fatisfaction,  both  to  them  and  to 
adminiftration.  All  communities  furnim  ex- 
amples of  men  fufficiently  bafe,  to  fliare  in  the 
fpoils  of  their  country  ;  nor  was  it  difficult  to 
find  fuch  in  every  colony,  who  were  ready 
enough  to  execute  this  minifterial  job.  Thus 
in  confequence  of  the  infmuations  of  thofe  in- 
terefted  in  the  fuccefs  of  the  meafure,  a  number 
of  mips  were  employed  by  government,  to 
transport  a  large  quantity  of  teas  into  each  of 
the  American  colonies.  The  people  throughout 
the  continent,  apprized  of  the  defign,  and  con- 
lidering  at  that  time,  all  teas  a  pernicious  arti- 
cle of  commerce,  fummoned  meetings  in  all  the 
capital  towns,  and  unanimouily  refolved  to  re-i 
lift  the  dangerous  project  by  every  legal  oppo- 
iition,  before  they  proceeded  to  any  extremi- 
ties. 

The  firft  ftep  taken  in  Bofton,  was  to  requeft 
the  confignees  to  refufe  the  commiffion.  The 
inhabitants  warmly  remonftrated  againft  the 
teas  being  landed  in  any  of  their  ports,  and  urg- 
ed the  return  of  the  mips,  without  permitting 
them  to  break  bulk.  The  comrniilioners  at 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION*  1OS 

New  York,  Philadelphia,  and  in  feveral  other  ^_^ 
colonies,  were  applied  to  with  fimilar  requeils  ;  1770. 
moft  of  them  complied.  In  fome  places  the 
teas  were  ftored  on  proper  conditions,  in  others, 
fent  back  without  injury.  But,  in  Maffachu- 
fetts,  their  difficulties  were  accumulated  by  the 
reftlefs  ambition  of  fome  of  her  own  degenerate 
ions.  Not  the  fmalleft  impreffion  was  made  on 
the  feelings  of  their  governor,  by  the  united 
fupplications  of  the  inhabitants  of  Bofton  and 
its  environs.  Mr.  Hutchinfon,  who  very  well 
knew  that  virtue  is  feldom  a  mfficient  reftraint 
to  the  paffions,  but  that,  in  fpite  of  patrotifm, 
reafon,  or  religion,  the  fcale  too  frequently  pre- 
ponderates in  favor  of  intereft  or  appetite,  per- 
fifted  in  the  execution  of  his  favorite  project. 
As  by  force  of  habit,  this  drug  had  become  al- 
moft  a  neceffary  article  of  diet,  the  demand  for 
teas  in  America  was  aftonifliingly  great,  and 
the  agents  in  Bofton,  fure  of  finding  purchafers, 
if  once  the  weed  was  depofited  in  their  ftores, 
haughtily  declined  a  refignation  of  office,  and 
determined  when  the  fhips  arrived,  to  receive 
and  difpofe  of  their  cargoes  at  every  hazard. 

Before  either  time  or  difcretion  had  cooled 
the  general  difguil,  at  the  interefted  and  fuper- 
cilious  behaviour  of  thefe  young  pupils  of  in- 
trigue, the  long  expected  mips  arrived,  which 
were  to  eftablim  a  precedent,  thought  danger- 
oufly  confequential.  Refolved  not  to  yield  to 
the  fmalleft  veftige  of  parliamentary  taxation, 


104-  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

however  difguifed,  a  numerous  affembly  of  the 
moil  refpeclable  people  of  Bofton  and  its  neigh- 
borhood, repaired  to  the  public  hall,  and  drew 
up  a  remonftrance  to  the  governor,  urging  the 
neceflity  of  his  order,  to  fend  back  the  mips 
without  fufFering  any  part  of  their  cargoes  to 
be  landed.  His  anfwer  confirmed  the  opinion, 
that  he  was  the  inftigator  of  the  meafure  ;  it 
irritated  the  fpirits  of  the  people,  and  tended 
more  to  encreafe,  than  allay  the  rifing  ferment. 

A  few  days  after  this  the  factors  had  the  pre- 
caution  to  apply  to  the  governor  and  council 
for  protection,  to  enable  them  to  receive  and 
difpofe  of  their  confignments.  As  the  council 
refufed  to  act  in  the  affair,  the  governor  called 
on  colonel  Hancock,  who  commanded  a  com- 
pany  of  cadets,  to  hold  himfelf  in  readinefs  to 
affift  the  civil  magiftrate,  if  any  tumult  mould 
arife  in  confequence  of  any  attempt  to  land  the 
teas.  This  gentleman,  though  profeffedly  in 
oppofition  to  the  court,  had  ofcillated  between 
the  parties  Until  neither  of  them  at  that  time, 
had  much  confidence  in  his  exertions.  It  did 
not  however  appear,  that  he  had  any  inclina- 
tion to  obey  the  fummons  ;  neither  did  he 
explicitly  refufe  ;  but  he  foon  after  refigned 
his  commiflion,  and  continued  in  future,  une- 
quivocally oppofed  to  the  minifterial  fyftem. 
On  the  appearance  of  this  perfevering  fpirit 
among  the  people,  governor  Hutchinfon  again 
reforted  to  his  ufual  arts  of  chicanery  and 
deception  ;  he  affected  a  mildnefs  of  deport- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  105 

merit,  and  by  many  equivocal  delays  detained    CHAP  'v- 
the  mips,  and  endeavoured  to  difarm  his  coun- 
trymen    of  that   manly  refolution  which   was 
their  principal  fort. 

The  ftorage  or  detention  of  a  few  cargoes  of 
teas  is  not  an  objecl:  in  itfelf  fufficient  to  juftify 
a  detail  of  feveral  pages  ;  but  as  the  fubfequent 
feverities  towards  the  Maffachufetts  were 
grounded  on  what  the  miniftry  termed  their 
refractory  behaviour  on  this  occaiion  ;  and  as 
thofe  meafures  were  followed  by  confequences 
of  the  higheft  magnitude  both  to  Great  Britain 
and  the  colonies,  a  particular  narration  of  the 
tranfacliions  of  the  town  of  Bofton  is  indifpenfa- 
ble.  There  the  fword  of  civil  difcord  was  firft 
drawn,  which  was  not  re-fheathed  until  the 
emancipation  of  the  thirteen  colonies  from 
the  yoke  of  foreign  domination  was  acknowl- 
edged by  the  diplomatic  feals  of  the  firft  powers 
in  Europe.  This  may  apologize,  if  necefiary, 
for  the  appearance  of  locality  in  the  preceding 
pages,  and  for  its  farther  continuance  in  regard 
to  a  colony,  on  which  the  bittereft  cup  of  min- 
ifterial  wrath  was  poured  for  a  time,  and  where 
the  energies  of  the  human  mind  were  earlier 
called  forth,  than  in  feveral  of  the  fifter  ftates. 

Not  intimidated  by  the  frowns  of  greatnefs, 
nor  allured  by  the  fmiles  of  intrigue,  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  people  was  equal  to  the  importance 
of  the  event.  Though  expectation  was  equally 

VOL.  i.  o 


106  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  iv.  awake  in  both  parties,  yet  three  or  four  weeks 
~1773  elapfed  in  a  kind  of  inertia  ;  the  one  fide  flatter-* 
ed  themfelves  with  hopes,  that  as  the  {hips  were 
fuffered  to  be  fo  long  unmolefted,  with  their 
cargoes  entire,  the  point  might  yet  be  obtained  ; 
the  other  thought  it  poffible,  that  fome  impref- 
fion  might  yet  be  made  on  the  governor,  by  the 
ftrong  voice  of  the  people. 

Amidft  this  fufpenfe  a  rumour  was  circulated, 
that  admiral  Montague  was  about  to  feize  the 
fhips,  and  difpofe  of  their  cargoes  at  public  auc- 
tion, within  twenty-four  hours.  This  ftep 
would  as  effectually  have  fecured  the  duties,  as 
if  fold  at  the  mops  of  the  consignees,  and  was 
\  judged  to  be  only  a  fine  (ft  ^  to  place  them  there 
on  their  own  terms.  On  this  report,  convinced 
of  the  neceffity  of  preventing  fo  bold  an  attempt^ 
a  vaft  body  of  people  convened  fuddenly  and 
repaired  to  one  of  the  largeft  and  moft  commo* 
dious  churches  in  Bofton  ;  where,  previous  to 
any  other  fteps,  many  fruitlefs  meffages  wero 
lent  both  to  the  governor  and  the  coniignees, 
whofe  timidity  had  prompted  them  to  a  feclu- 
iion  from  the  public  eye.  Yet  they  continued 
to  refufe  any  fatisfactory  anfwer  ;  and  while 
the  aflembled  multitude  were  in  quiet  confulta* 
tion  on  the  fafeft  mode  to  prevent  the  fale  and 
confumption  of  an  herb,  noxious  at  leaft  to  the 
political  conilitution,  the  debates  were  inter- 
rupted by  the  entrance  of  the  iheriff  with  an  or- 
der from  the  governor,  ftyling  them  an  illegal  af- 
iembly,and  dire&ing  their  immediate  difperfion. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  107 

This  authoritative  mandate  was  treated  with  CHAP.  rv. 
great  contempt,  and  the  meriff  inftantly  hiffed  ^ 
out  of  the  houie.  A  confufed  murmur  enfued, 
both  within  and  without  the  walls ;  but  in  a 
few  moments  all  was  again  quiet,  and  the  lead- 
ers of  the  people  returned  calmly  to  the  point 
in  queftion.  Yet  every  expedient  feemed 
fraught  with  infurmountable  difficulties,  and 
evening  approaching  without  any  decided  refo- 
Jutions,  the  meeting  was  adjourned  without 
day. 

Within  an  hour  after  this  was  known  abroad, 
there  appeared  a  great  number  of  perfons,  clad 
Jike  the  aborigines  of  the  wildernefs,  with  tom- 
ahawks in  their  hands,  and  clubs  on  their  moul- 
ders, who  without  the  leaft  moleftation  marched 
through  the  ftreets  with  iilent  folemnity,  and 
amidft  innumerable  fpeclators,  proceeded  to  the 
wharves,  boarded  the  fliips,  demanded  the  keys, 
and  with  much  deliberation  knocked  open  the 
chefb,  and  emptied  feveral  thoufand  weight  of 
the  fineft  teas  into  the  ocean.  No  oppofition 
was  made,  though  furrounded  by  the  king's 
fliips  ;  all  was  lilence  and  difmay. 

This  done,  the  proceffion  returned  through 
the  town  in  the  fame  order  and  folemnity  as 
obferved  in  the  outfet  of  their  attempt.  No 
other  diforder  took  place,  and  it  was  obferved, 
the  ftilleft  night  enfued  that  Bofton  had  enjoy- 
ed for  many  months.  This  unexpected  event 


1O8  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  iv.  ftruck  the  minifterial  party  with  rage  and  afton- 
~~  ifhment  ;  while,  as  it  feemed  to  be  an  attack 
upon  private  property,  many  who  wiihed  well 
to  the  public  caufe  could  not  fully  approve  of 
the  meafure.  Yet  perhaps  the  laws  of  felf-pre- 
fervation  might  juftify  the  deed,  as  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  times  required  extraordinary  exertions, 
and  every  other  method  had  been  tried  in  vain, 
to  avoid  this  difaoreeable  alternative.  Beiides  it 

o 

Was  alleged,  and  doubtlefs  it  was  true,  the  peo^ 
pie  were  ready  to  make  ample  compenfation  for 
all  damages  fuftained,  whenever  the  unconfti- 
tutional  duty  mould  be  taken  off,  and  other 
grievances  radically  redreffed.  But  there  ap- 
peared little  profpecl:  that  any  conciliatory  ad- 
vances would  foon  be  made.  The  officers  of 
government  difcovered  themfelves  more  vin- 
dictive than  ever  :  animofities  daily  increafed, 
and  the  fpirits  of  the  people  were  irritated  to  a 
degree  of  alienation,  even  from  their  tendereft 
connexions,  when  they  happened  to  differ  in 
political  opinion. 

By  the  frequent  diffolution  of  the  general 
affemblies,  all  public  debate  had  been  precluded, 
and  the  ufual  regular  intercourfe  between  the 
colonies  cut  off.  The  modes  of  legiilative  com- 
munication thus  obftru&ed,  at  a  period  when 
the  neceffity  of  harmony  and  concert  was  ob- 
vious to  every  eye,  no  fyftematical  oppofition  to 
gubernatorial  intrigues,  fupported  by  the  king 
and  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  was  to  be  ex- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  109 

peeled  without  the  utmoft  concord,  confidence,  CHAP.  iv. 
and  union  of  all  the  colonies.  Perhaps  no  fmgle 
ftep  contributed  fo  much  to  cement  the  union 
of  the  colonies,  and  the  final  acquifition  of  in- 
dependence, as  the  eftablimment  of  committees 
of  correfpondence.  This  fupported  a  chain  of 
communication  from  New  Hampfhire  to  Geor- 
gia, that  produced  unanimity  and  energy 
throughout  the  continent. 

As  in  thefe  annals  there  has  yet  been  no  par- 
ticular mention  made  of  this  inftitution,  it  is 
but  juftice  to  name  at  once  the  author,  the  ori- 
gin, and  the  importance  of  the  meafure. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  conteft,  when  the 
public  mind  was  agitated  by  unexpected  events, 
and  remarkably  pervaded  with  perplexity  and 
anxiety,  James  Warren,  Efq.  of  Plymouth  firft 
propofed  this  inftitution  to  a  private  friend,  on  a 
vilit  at  his  own  houfe.*  Mr.  Warren  had  been 
an  active  and  influential  member  of  the  general 
aflembly  from  the  beginning  of  the  trou- 
bles in  America,  which  commenced  foon  after 
the  demife  of  George  the  fecond.  The  prin- 
ciples and  firmnefs  of  this  gentleman  were  well 
known,  and  the  uprightnefs  of  his  character  had 
fufficient  weight  to  recommend  the  meafure. 
As  foon  as  the  propofal  was  communicated  to  a 
number  of  gentlemen  in  Bofton,  it  was  adopt- 
ed with  zeal,  and  fpread  with  the  rapidity  of 

*  Samuel  Adams,  Efq.  of  Bofton. 


]1O  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 


1773. 


enthufiafm,  from  town  to  town,  and  from 
province  to  province.*  Thus  an  intercourse 
was  eilablifhed,  by  which  a  fimilarity  of  opin- 
ion, a  connexion  of  intereft,  and  a  union  of 
action  appeared,  that  fet  oppofition  at  defiance, 
and  defeated  the  machinations  of  their  enemies 
through  all  the  colonies. 

The  plan  fuggeited  was  clear  and  methodical ; 
it  propofed  that  a  public  meeting  fhould  be  call- 
ed in  every  town  ;  that  a  number  of  perfons 
fiiould  be  felecled  by  a  plurality  of  voices  ;  that 
they  mould  be  men  of  refpectable  characters, 
whofe  attachment  to  the  great  caufe  of  Ameri- 
ca had  been  uniform  ;  that  they  mould  be  veft- 
ed  by  a  majority  of  fuifrages  with  power  to  take 
cognizance  of  the  ftate  of  commerce,  of  the  in- 
trigues of  toryifm^  of  litigious  ruptures  that 
might  create  difhirbances,  and  every  thing  elfe 
that  might  be  thought  to  militate  with  the 
rights  of  the  people,  and  to  promote  every  thing 
that  tended  to  general  utility. 

The  bufinefs  was  not  tardily  executed.  Com- 
mittees were  every  where  chofen,  who  were  di- 
rected to  keep  up  a  regular  correfpondence  with 
each  other,  and  to  give  information  of  all  intel- 
ligence received,  relative  to  the  proceedings  of 

*  The  general  impulfe  at  this  time  feemed  to  operate  by 
/yrnpathy,  before  conftiltation  could  be  had  ;  thus  it  ap- 
peared afterwards  that  the  vigilant  inhabitants  of  Virginia 
£ad  concerted  a  fimilar  pka  about  the  fame  period. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  Ill 

inift ration,  fo  far  as  they  affected  the  inter-  CKAP.  w. 
eft  of  the  Britrfh  colonies  throughout  America.  ^  ^ 
The  truft  was  faithfully  and  diligently  difcharg- 
ed,  and  when  afterwards  all  legiflative  authority 
was  fufpended,  the  courts  of  juftice  {hut  up,  and 
the  Jail  traits  of  Britifh  government  annihilated 
in  the  colonies,  this  new  inftitution  became  a 
kind  of  juridical  tribunal.  Its  injunctions  were 
influential  beyond  the  hopes  of  its  moft  fan- 
guine  friends,  and  the  recommendations  of 
committees  of  correfpondence  had  the  force  of 
law.  Thus,  as  defpotifm  frequently  fprings 
from  anarchy,  a  regular  democracy  fometimes 
arifes  from  the  fevere  encroachments  of  defoot- 

x 

ifm. 

This  inftitution  had  given  fuch  a  general 
alarm  to  the  adherents  of  adminiftration,  and 
had  been  replete  with  fuch  important  confe- 
quences  through  the  union^  that  it  was  juftly 
dreaded  by  thofe  who  oppofed  it,  and  ccnlider* 
ed  by  them  as  the  moft  important  bulwark  of 
freedom.  A  reprefentation  of  this  eftabliih* 
ment,  and  its  effects,  had  been  tranfmitted  to 
England,  and  laid  before  the  king  and  parlia* 
ment,  and  Mr.  Hutchinfon  had  received  his 
majefty's  difapprobation  of  the  meafure.  With 
the  hope  of  impeding  its  farther  operation,  by 
announcing  the  frown  and  the  cenfure  of  roy- 
alty, and  for  the  difcuffion  of  fome  other  im- 
portant queftions,  the  governor  had  thought 
proper  to  convene  the  council  and  boufe  of 


112  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 


1773. 


reprefentatives,  to  meet  in  January  one  thou- 
fand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-three. 

The  affembly  of  the  preceding  year  had  pair- 
ed a  number  of  very  fevere  refolves,  when  the 
original  letters  mentioned  above,  written  by 
governor  Hutchinfon  and  lieutenant-gover- 
nor Oliver  were  detected,  fent  back  to  the 
Maffachufetts,  and  laid  before  the  houfe.  They 
had  obferved  that  "  the  letters  contained 
"  wicked  and  injurious  mifreprefentations,  de- 
"  iigned  to  influence  the  miniftry  and  the  na- 
"  tion,  and  to  excite  jealouiies  in  the  breaft  of 
"  the  king,  againft  his  faithful  fubjects."*  They 
had  proceeded  to  an  impeachment,  and  unani- 
mouily  requefted,  that  his  majefty  would  be 
pleafed  to  remove  both  Mr.  Thomas  Hutchinfon 
and  Mr.  Andrew  Oliver  from  their  public  func- 
tions in  the  province,  forever.f  But  before 
they  had  time  to  complete  their  fpirited  meaf- 
ures,  the  governor  had  as  ufual  diffolved  the 
alTembly.  This  was  a  ftretch  of  power,  and  a 
manifeftation  of  refentment,  that  had  been  fo 
frequently  exercifed  both  by  Mr.  Hutchinfon 
and  his  predeceffor,  that  it  was  never  unexpect- 
ed, and  now  totally  difregarded.  This  mode  of 
conduct  was  not  confined  to  the  Maffachufetts  ; 
it  was  indeed  the  common  iignal  of  refentment 
exhibited  by  molt  of  the  colonial  gov°rnors  : 

*  See  nth  refolve  in  the  feflions  of    one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  feventy-two. 

f  Journals  of  the  houfe. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  113 

they  immediately  diffolved  the  legiflative  affem-    CHAP.  iv. 
blies  on  the  difcovery  of  energy,  enterprife,  or     "~~ 
patriotifm,  among  the  members. 

When  the  new  hoiife  of  affembly  met  at  Bof- 
ton  the  prefent  year,  it  appeared  to  be  compofed 
of  the  principal  gentlemen  and  landholders  in 
the  province  ;  men  of  education  and  ability,  of 
fortune  and  family,  of  integrity  and  honor  ; 
jealous  of  the  infringement  of  their  rights,  and 
the  faithful  guardians  of  a  free  people. 

Their  independency  of  mind  was  foon  put  to 
the  teft.  On  the  opening  of  the  new  feflion, 
the  firft  communication  from  the  governor  was, 
that  he  had  received  his  majefty's  exprefs  difap- 
probation  of  all  committees  of  correfpondence  ;  and 
to  enforce  the  difpleafure  of  the  monarch^  he 
very  indifcreetly  ventured  himfelf  to  cenfure 
with  much  warmth  this  inftitution,  and  every 
other  ftand  that  the  colonies  had  unitedly  made 
to  miniilerial  and  parliamentary  invaflons.  To 
complete  the  climax  of  his  own  prefumption,  he 
in  a  long  and  labored  fpeech  imprudently  agita- 
ted the  grand  queftkm  of  a  parliamentary  right 
of  taxation  without  representation  ;*  he  en- 
deavoured to  juftify,  both  by  law  and  precedent, 
every  arbitrary  ftep  that  had  been  taken  for  ten 
years  paft  to  reduce  the  colonies  to  a  difgraceful 
fubjugation. 

*  Appendix,  No.  IX.  Extracts  from  governor  Hutchin- 
fon's  letters  urging  his  defigns. 
VOL.  I.  P 


114  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

This  gave  a  fair  opening  to  the  friends  of 
their  country  which  they  did  not  neglect,  to 
difcufs  the  illegality,  injuftice,  and  impolicy  of 
the  late  innovations.     They  entered  on  the  de- 
bate  with    freedom    of  inquiry,    ftated    their 
claims  with  clearnefs  and  precifion,  and  fup- 
ported  them  with  fuch  reafoning  and  perfpicu- 
ity,  that   a  man   of  lefs    hardinefs    than    Mr. 
Hutchinfon  would  not  have  made  a  fecond  at- 
tempt to  juftify  fo  odious  a  caufe,  or  to   gain 
fuch  an  unpopular  point  by  dint   of  argument. 
But  whether  owing  to  his  own  intemperate 
zeal,  or  whether  infHgated  by  his  fuperiors  on 
the  other  fide  the  Atlantic,  to  bring  on  the  dif- 
pute  previous  to  the  difclofure  of  fome  extra- 
ordinary meafures  then  in  agitation,  is  uncer- 
tain.    However  this  was,  he  fupported  his  opin- 
ions with  induftry  and  ingenuity,  and  not  dif- 
couraged  by  ftrong  oppofition,  he  fpun  out  the 
debate  to  a  tedious  and  ridiculous  length.     Far 
from  terminating  to  the  honor  of  the  gover- 
nor, his  officious  defence  of  adminiftration  ferv- 
ed  only  to  indicate  the   neceility  of  the  moft 
guarded  watchfulnefs  againft  the  machinations 
of  powerful  and  deligning  men  ;  and  fanned, 
rather  than  checked  the  amor  patria  characlerif- 
tic  of  the  times. 

Soon  after  this  altercation  ended,  the  repre- 
fentative  body  took  cognizance  of  an  affair  that 
had  given  great  difguil,  and  created  much  unea- 
iinefs  through  the  province.  By  the  royal 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  115 

charter  granted  by  William  and  Mary,  the  gov- 
ernor,  lieutenant-governor  and  fecretary  were 
appointed  by  the  king  ;  the  council  were  chofen 
by  the  reprefentatives  of  the  people,  the  gov- 
ernor being  allowed  a  negative  voice  ;  the 
judges,  juftices,  and  all  other  officers,  civil  and 
military,  were  left  to  his  nomination,  and  ap- 
pointed by  him,  with  the  advice  and  confent 
of  a  board  of  counfellors.  But  as  it  is  always 
neceffary  in  a  free  government,  that  the  peo- 
ple mould  retain  lome  means  in  their  own 
hands,  to  check  any  unwarrantable  exercife  of 
power  in  the  executive,  the  legiilature  of  Maf- 
Cichufetts  had  always  enjoyed  the  reafonable 
privilege  of  paying  their  own  officers  according 
to  their  ability,  and  the  fervices  rendered  to 
the  public. 

It  was  at  this  time  well  known  that  Mr. 
Hutchinfon  had  fo  far  ingratiated  himfelf  as  to 
entitle  him  to  peculiar  favor  from  the  crown  ; 
and  by  a  handfome  falary  from  the  king,  he 
was  rendered  entirely  independent  of  the  peo- 
ple. His  brother-in-law  alfo,  the  lieutenant- 
governor,  had  obtained  by  mifreprefentations, 
thought  by  fome  to  have  been  little  fhort  of 
perjury,*  a  penfion  which  he  had  long  folicited  ; 
but  chagrin  at  the  detection  of  his  letters,  and 
the  difcovery  of  his  duplicity,  foon  put  a  period 

*  S3e   lieutenant-governor    Oliver's   affidavit,   on   the 
council  books. 


116  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  iv.  to  a  life  that  might  have  been  ufeful  and  exem- 
plary,  had  he  confined  his  puriuits  only  to  the 
domeflic  walks  of  life. 

A  ftrong  family  as  well  as  political  connexion, 
had  for  fome  time  been  forming  among  thofe 
who  had  been  writing  in  favor  of  colonial  reg- 
ulations, and  urging  the  creation  of  a  patrician 
rank,  from  which  all  officers  of  government 
mould  in  future  be  felected.  Intermarriages 
among  their  children  in  the  near  degree  of con- 
fanguinity  before  the  parties  were  of  age  for 
maturity  of  choice,  had  ftrengthened  the  union 
of  interefts  among  the  candidates  for  prefer- 
ment. Thus  by  a  kind  of  compact,  almoll  every 
department  of  high  truft  as  it  became  vacant 
by  reiignation,  fufpenfion  or  death,  was  filled 
by  fome  relation  or  dependent  of  governor 
Hutchinfon  ;  and  no  other  qualification  was 
required  except  a  fupplenefs  of  opinion  and 
principle  that  could  readily  bend  to  the  meaf- 
ures  of  the  court. 

But  it  was  more  recently  difcovered  that  the 
judges  of  the  fuperior  court,  the  near  relations 
or  coadjutors  of  Mr.  Hutchinfon,  and  few  of 
them  more  fcrupuloufly  delicate  with  regard  to 
the  violation  of  the  rights  of  their  country  than 
himfelf,  had  taken  advantage  of  the  times,  and 
fuccefsiully  infmuated  that  the  dignity  of  their 
offices  muft  be  fupported  by  an  allowance  from 
the  crown  fufficient  to  enable  them  to  execute 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  117 

the  defigns  of  government,  exclufively  of  any    CHAP.  n. 
dependence  on  the  general  affembly.     In  confe-        ^ 
quence  of  thefe  reprefentations,  the  judges  were 
appointed  to  hold  their  places  during  the  king's 
pleafure,  and  a  yearly  ilipend  was  granted  them 
to  be  paid  out  of  the  new  revenue  to  be  raifed 
in  America. 

The  general  court  had  not  been  convened 
after  the  full  difclofure  of  this  fyftem  before  the 
prefent  period  ;  of  courfe  no  conilitutional  op- 
poiition  could  be  made  on  the  infraction  of 
their  charter,  until  a  legal  affembly  had  an  op- 
portunity to  meet  and  deliberate.  Uncertain 
how  long  the  intriguing  fpirit  of  the  governor 
would  permit  them  to  continue  in  exiilence, 
the  fitting  affembly  judged  it  neceffary  early  in 
the  feffion  to  proceed  to  a  parliamentary  in- 
quiry into  the  conduct  of  their  judiciary  officers. 
Accordingly  the  judges  of  the  fupreme  court 
were  called  upon  to  receive  the  grants  for  their 
fervices  as  ufual  from  the  treafury  of  the  prov- 
ince ;  to  renounce  all  unconftitutional  falaries, 
and  to  engage  to  receive  no  pay,  penfion  or 
emolument  in  reward  of  fervices  as  juftices  of 
the  court  of  judicature,  but  from  the  free  grants 
of  the  legiflative  affembly. 

Two  of  the  judges,  Trowbridge  and  Ropes, 
readily  complied  with  the  demand,  and  relin- 
quifhed  the  ofFenfive  ftipend.  A  third  was 
William  Cumin g,  Efq.  a  gentleman  rendered 


118  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP  iv.  refpectable  in  the  eyes  of  all  parties  by  his  pro- 
T7T~  feffional  abilities  and  general  integrity.  He  was 
a  fenfible,  modeft  man,  well  acquainted  with 
law,  but  remarkable  for  the  fecrecy  of  his  opin- 
ions :  this  kept  up  his  reputation  through  all 
the  ebullitions  of  difcordant  parties.  He  read- 
ily religned  the  royal  ftipend  without  any  obfer- 
vations  of  his  own  ;  yet  it  was  thought  at  the 
time  that  it  was  with  a  reluctance  that  his  taci- 
turnity could  not  conceal.  By  this  filent 
addrefs  he  retained  the  confidence  of  the  court 
faction,  nor  was  he  lefs  a  favorite  among  the 
republicans.  He  was  immediately  placed  on  the 
bench  of  juftice  after  the  affumption  of  govern- 
ment in  the  Maifachufetts.* 

The  next  that  was  called  forward  was  Fofter 
Hutchinfon,  a  brother  of  the  governor's,  a  man 
of  much  lefs  underftanding,  and  as  little  public 
virtue  ;  in  fhort,  remarkable  for  nothing  but 
the  malignancy  of  his  heart.  He,  after  much 
altercation  and  abufe  of  the  general  affembly, 
complied  with  a  very  ill  grace  with  the  recjui- 
fitions  of  the  houfe, 

/ 

*  The  talents,  the  manners,  the  probity,  and  the  ur- 
banity of  Mr.  Cufhing  procured  his  advancement  to  the 
fupreme  bench  under  the  new  conftitution  afterwards 
adopted  by  the  United  States.  In  this  Ration  he  was 
ufeful  to  his  country,  and  refpefted  by  every  clafs  through 
all  the  changes  of  party  and  opinion  whjch  he  lived  to  fee» 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  119 

But  the  chief  feat  of  juftice  in  this  extraordi-  CHAP.IV. 
nary  adminiftration  was  occupied  by  a  man* 
unacquainted  with  law,  and  ignorant  of  the 
firft  principles  of  government.  He  pofiefied  a 
certain  credulity  of  mind  that  eafily  feduced 
him  into  erroneous  opinions  ;  at  the  fame  time 
a  frigid  obftinacy  of  temper  that  rendered  him 
incapable  of  conviction.  His  infinuating  man- 
ners, his  fuperficial  abilities,  and  his  implicit 
devotion  to  the  governor,  rendered  him  a  fit 
inftrument  to  give  fanctlon  by  the  forms  of  law 
to  the  moft  atrocious  afts  of  arbitrary  power. 
Equally  deaf  to  the  dictates  of  patriotifm  and 
to  the  united  voice  of  the  people,  he  perempto- 
rily refufed  to  liften  to  the  demands  of  their 
reprefentatives  ;  and  boldly  declared  his  refolu- 
tion  to  receive  an  annual  grant  from  the  crown 
of  England  in  fpite  of  the  opinions  or  refent- 
ment  of  his  country  :  he  urged  as  an  excufe, 
the  depreciation  of  his  private  fortune  by  his 
judicial  attentions.  His  ftation  was  important 
and  influential,  and  his  temerity  was  coniidered 
as  holding  a  bribe  to  execute  the  corrupt  meal- 
ures  of  the  Britim  court. 

The  houfe  of  reprefentatives  not  interrupted 
in  their  fyftem,  nor  intimidated  by  the  pre- 
iumption  of  the  delinquent,  proceeded  dire&ly 
to  exhibit  articles  of  impeachment  againft  Peter 
Oliver,  Efq.  accufing  him  of  high  crimes  and 
mifdemeanors,  and  laid  their  complaints  before 

*  Peter  Oliver,  Efq.  a  brother-in-law  of  the  governor's. 


120  tHE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  iv.  the  governor  and  council.  On  a  clivifion  of 
the  houfe  there  appeared  ninety-two  members 
in  favour  of  the  meafure,  and  only  eight  againft 
it.  The  governor,  as  was  expected,  both  from 
perfonal  attachment  and  a  full  approbation  of 
Mr.  Oliver's  conduct,  refufed  to  ad  or  fit  on 
the  bufinefs  ;  of  courfe  all  proceedings  were  for 
a  time  fufpended. 

When  a  detail  of  thefe  fpirited  meafures 
reached  England,  exaggerated  by  the  colorings 
of  the  officers  of  the  crown,  it  threw  the  nation, 
more  efpecially  the  trading  part,  into  a  tempo- 
rary fever.  The  miniftry  rofe  in  their  refent- 
ment,  and  entered  on  the  moft  fevere  fteps 
againft  the  MaiTachufetts,  and  more  particularly 
the  town  of  Bofton.  It  was  at  this  period  that 
lord  North  ufhered  into  the  houfe  of  commons 
the  memorable  bill  for  (hutting  up  the  port  of 
Bofton,  alfo  the  bill  for  better  regulating  the 
government  of  the  Maffachufetts. 

The  port-bill  enacted  that  after  the  firft  of 
June  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy- 
four,  "  Every  veffel  within  the  points  Alder  ton 
*c  and  Nahant,  (the  boundaries  of  the  harbor  of 
"  Bofton,)  ihould  depart  within  fix  hours,  un- 
"lefs  laden  with  food  or  fuel."  That  no 
merchandize  mould  be  taken  in  or  difcharged 
at  any  of  the  ftores,  wharves,  or  quays,  within 
thofe  limits  ;  and  that  any  fhip,  barge  or  boat, 
attempting  to  convey  from  other  parts  of 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 


America,  either  ftores,  goods  or  merchandize 
to  Bofton,  (one  of  the  largeft  maritime  towns 
on  the  continent)  mould  be  deemed  a  legal 
forfeiture  to  the  crown. 


This  acl  was  oppofed  with  becoming  zeal  by 
fever al  in  both  houfes  of  parliament,  who  ftill 
inherited  the  generous  fpirit  of  their  anceflors, 
and  dared  to  Hand  forth  the  defenders  of  En- 
glim  liberty,  in  the  moft  perilous  feafons. 
Though  the  cruelty  and  injuflice  of  this  flep 
was  warmly  criminated,  the  minifter  and  his 
party  urged  the  neceffity  of  ftrong  meafures  j 
nor  was  it  difficult  to  obtain  a  large  majority  to 
enforce  them.  An  abftracl  of  an  acl  for  the 
more  impartial  adminiftration  of  juftice  in  the 
province  of  MaiTachufetts,  accompanied  the 
port-bill.  Thus  by  one  of  thofe  fevere  and  ar- 
bitrary acts,  many  thoufands  of  the  beft  and 
moft  loyal  fubjecls  of  the  houfe  of  Brunfwick 
were  at  once  cut  off  from  the  means  of  fubfift- 
ence ;  poverty  ftared  in  the  face  of  affluence, 
and  a  long  train  of  evils  threatened  every  rank. 
No  difcriminations  were  made  ;  the  innocent 
were  equally  involved  with  the  real  or  imputed 
guilty,  and  reduced  to  fuch  diflreffes  afterwards, 
that,  but  from  the  charitable  donations  of  the 
other  colonies,  multitudes  mufl  have  inevitably 
periilied. 

The  other  bill  direcled,  that  on  an  indicT:- 
jnent  for  riot,  refinance  of  the  magiftrate,  or 

VOL.   I. 


122  THE     RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP  iv.  impeding  the  laws  of  revenue  in  the  fmalleft  de- 
~7T~  gree?  an7  perfon,  at  the  option  of  the  governor, 
or  in  his  abfcnce,  the  lieutenant-governor, 
might  be  tranfported  to  Great  Britain  for  trial, 
and  there  be  ordered  to  wait  amidft  his  foes,  the 
decilions  of  ftrangers  unacquainted  with  the 
character  of  the  priforrer,  or  the  turpitude  of  a 
crime,  that  ihould  fubject  him  to  be  tranfported 
a  thoufand  leagues  from  his  own  vicinity,  for 
a  final  deciiion  on  the  charges  exhibited  againft 
him.  Several  of  the  fouthern  colonies  remon- 
ftrated  warmly  againft  thole  novel  proceedings 
towards  the  Maflachufetts,  and  confidered  it  as 
a  common  caufe.  The  houfe  of  burgeffes  in 
Virginia  vigorously  oppoied  this  meafure,  and 
pafled  refolutions  expreffing  "  their  exclufive 
"  right  to  tax  their  conftituents,  and  their 
"  right  to  petition  their  fovereign  for  redrefs 
"  of  grievances  >  and  the  lawfulnefs  of  procur- 
"  ing  the  concurrence  of  the  other  colonies  in 
u  praying  for  the  royal  interpofition  in  favour 
64  of  the  violated  rights  of  America  :  and  that 
"  all  trials  for  treafons,  or  for  any  crime 
"  whatfoever,  committed  in  that  colony,  ought 
"  to  be  before  his  majefty's  courts  within  the 
"  faid  colony ;  and  that  the  feizing  any  perfon 
"  refidmg  in  the  faid  colony,  fuipecled  of  any 
"  crime  whatfoever  committed  therein,  and 
"  fending  iuch  perfon  to  places  beyond  the  fea 
"  to  be  tried,  was  highly  derogatory  of  the 
"  riglits  of  Britifh  fubjeds/' 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  123 

Thefe  acls  were  to  continue  in  full  force  un-  CHAP.  iv. 
til  fatisfacUon  fho\ild  be  made  to  the  Eaft  India 
company  for  the  lofs  of  their  teas  ;  nor  were 
any  aiTurances  given,  that  in  cafe  of  fubrmffion 
and  compliance,  they  mould  be  repealed.  The 
indignation  which  naturally  arofe  in  the  minds 
of  the  people  on  thefe  unexpected  and  accumu- 
lated grievances,  was  truly  inexpreffible.  It 
was  frequently  obferved,  that  the  only  melio- 
ration of  the  prefent  evils  was,  that  the  recal  of 
Mr.  Hutchinion  accompanied  the  bills,  and  his 
leaving  the  province  at  the  fame  period  the 
port-bill  was  to  be  puft  in  operation,  feemed  to 
imprefs  a  dawrn  of  hope  from  time,  if  not  from 
his  immediate  fucceflor. 

Every  hiftorical  record  will  doubtlefs  witnefs 
that  he  was  the  principal  author  of  the  fufferings 
of  the  unhappy  Boftonians,  previous  to  the  con- 
vuliions  which  produced  the  revolution.  So 
deeply  riveted  was  this  opinion  among  his  en- 
raged countrymen,  that  many  apprehended  the 
luminary  vengeance  of  an  incenfed  populace 
would  not  fuffer  fo  notorious  a  parricide  to  re- 
pair quietly  to  England.  Yet  fuch  were  the 
generous  and  compaflionate  feelings  of  a  people 
too  virtuous  to  punifh  without  a  legal  procefs, 
that  he  efcaped  the  blow  he  had  reafon  to  fear 
would  overtake  him, when  flopped  of  authority, 
and  no  longer  acting  as  the  reprefentative  of 
maje/ly. 

Chagrined  by  the  lofs  of  place,  mortified  by 
the  neglect  of  fome,  and  apprehenfwe  from  the 


124?  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  iv.       refentment  of  others,  he  retired  to  a  fmall  vil- 

in  the   neighborhood   of  Bofton,  and  fe- 
° 


17T41 

eluded  himfelf  from  obfervation  until  he  em- 

barked for  London.  This  he  did  on  the  fame 
memorable  day  when,  by  act  of  parliament,  the 
blockade  of  Bofton  took  place.  Before  his  de- 
parture, the  few  partizans  that  ftill  adhered  to 
the  man  and  his  principles,  procured  by  much 
affiduity  a  complimentary  addrefs,  thanking 
him  for  paft  fervices,  and  held  up  to  him  the 
idea,  that  by  his  talents  he  might  obtain  a  redrefs 
of  grievances,  which  they  well  knew  had  been 
drawn  on  their  country  by  the  agency  of  Mr. 
Hutchinfon.  Much  derifion  fell  on  the  charac- 
ter of  this  group  of  flatterers,  who  were  long 
diftinguifhed  only  by  the  appellation  of  Hut- 
ch info  n's  addreffers. 

Mr.  Hutchinfon  furniflied  with  thefe  pitiful 
credentials,  left  his  native  country  forever.  On 
his  arrival  in  England,  he  was  juftified  and  ca- 
reffed  by  his  employers  \  and  notwithstanding 
the  criminality  of  his  political  conduct:  had 
been  fo  fully  evinced  by  the.  detection  and  re- 
covery of  his  original  letters,  his  impeach- 
ment, which  was  laid  before  the  lords  of  the 
privy-council,  was  coniidered  by  them  in  a  ve- 
ry frivolous  light.  A  profeflional  character,  by 
fome  thought  to  have  been  hired  for  the  pur- 
poie,  was  permitted  to  abufe  the  petitioners  and 
their  agent  in  the  grofTeft  terms  fcurrility  could 
invent  ;  and  the  lords  reported,  that  "  the  pe- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  125 

"  tition  was  groundless,  vexatious,  and  fcanda-  CHAP  iv. 
"  lous,  and  calculated  only  for  the  feditious 
"  purpofes  of  keeping  up  a  fpirit  of  difcontent 
"  and  clamour  in  the  province  ;  that  nothing 
"  had  been  laid  before  them  which  did  or 
"  could,  in  their  opinion,  in  any  manner  or  in 
"  any  degree  impeach  the  honour,  integrity,  or 
"  conduct  of  the  governor  or  lieutenant-gover- 
"  nor ;"  who  had  been  at  the  fame  time  im- 
peached. 

But  the  operation  of  his  meafures,  while  gov- 
ernor of  the  Mailachufetts,  was  fo  productive 
of  misfortune  to  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  to  the 
united  colonies,  that  Mr.  Hutchinfon  foon  be- 
came the  object  of  difguft  to  all  parties.  He 
did  not  live  to  fee  the  independence  of  America 
eftablifhed,  but  he  lived  long  enough  to  repent 
in  bitternefs  of  foul,  the  part  he  had  acted 
againft  a  country  once  difpofed  to  refpeft  his 
character.  After  his  mind  had  been  involved 
many  months  in  a  ftate  of  chagrin,  difappoint- 
ment  and  defpair,  he  died  on  the  day  die  riots 
in  London,  excited  by  lord  George  Gordon, 
were  at  the  height,  in  the  year  one  thoufand 
feven  hundred  and  eighty.  Thofe  of  the  family 
who  furvived  their  unhappy  father  remained 
in  obfcurity  in  England. 


It  muft  however  be  acknowledged  that  gov- 
ernor Hutchinfon  was  uniform  in  his  political 
conduct.  He  was  educated  in  reverential  ideas 


126  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  iv.  of  monarchic  government,  and  confidered  him- 
"~  ielf  the  fervant  of  a  king  who  had  entrufted 
him  with  very  high  authority.  As  a  true  dif- 
ciple  of  paflive  obedience,  he  might  think  him- 
felf  bound  to  promote  the  deiigns  of  his  maf- 
ter,  and  thus  he  might  probably  releafe  his 
confcience  from  the  obligation  to  aid  his  coun- 
trymen in  their  oppofition  to  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  crown.  In  the  eye  of  candor,  he 
may  therefore  be  much  more  excufable,  than 
any  who  may  deviate  from  their  principles  and 
profeilions  of  republicanifm,  who  have  not  been 
biaffed  by  the  patronage  of  kings,  nor  influenced 
in  favor  of  monarchy  by  their  early  preju- 
dices of  education  or  employment. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION*  127 


CHAPTER  V. 

•t 

General  Gage  appointed  Governor  of  Maflachufetts. — Gen- 
eral Aflembly  meet  at  Salem. — A  propofal  for  a  Congrefs 
from  all  the  Colonies,  to  be  convened  at  Philadelphia — 
Mandamus  Counfellors  obliged  to  refign. — Refolutions  of 
the  General  Congrefs. — Occafional  obfervations. — The 
Maflachufetts  attentive  to  the  military  Difcipline  of  their 
Youth. — Suffolk  Refolves. — A  Provincial  Congrefs 
chofen  in  the  Maflachufetts. — Governor  Gage  fummons 
a  new  Houfe  of  Reprefentatives. 

1  HE  fpeculatift  and  the  philofopher  frequently 
obferve  a  cafual  fubordination  of  circumftances  177*. 
independent  of  political  decifion,  which  fixes 
the  character  and  manners  of  nations.  This 
thought  may  be  piouily  improved  till  it  leads 
the  mind  to  view  thofe  casualties,  directed  by 
a  fecret  hand  which  points  the  revolutions  of 
time,  and  decides  the  fate  of  empires.  The 
occafionai  inftruments  for  the  completion  of  the 
grand  fyftem  of  Providence,  have  feldom  any 
other  ftimulus  but  the  bubble  of  fame,  the  luft 
of  wealth,  or  fome  contemptible  paflion  that 
centres  in  felf.  Even  the  bofom  of  virtue 
warmed  by  higher  principles,  and  the  man 
actuated  by  nobler  motives,  walks  in  a  narrow 
fphere  of  comprehenlion.  The  fcale  by  which 
the  ideas  of  mortals  are  circumfcribed  gene- 
rally limits  his  wiflies  to  "a  certain  point  without 
confideration,  or  a  juft  calculation  of  extenfive 
confequences. 


128  YHE  RISE  AND  PROGRESS  OF 

Thus  while  the  king  of  Great  Britain  was 
1774.  contending  'with  the  colonies  for  a  three-penny 
duty  on  tea,  and  the  Americans  with  the  bold 
fpirit  of  patriotifm  refilling  an  encroachment 
on  their  rights,  the  one  thought  they  only  afk- 
ed  a  moderate  and  reafonable  indulgence  from 
their  fovereign,  which  they  had  a  right  to  de* 
mand  if  withheld  ;  on  the  other  fide,  the  moft 
fevere  and  ftrong  meafures  were  adopted  and 
exercifed  towards  the  colonies,  which  parliament 
confidered  as  only  the  proper  and  neceflary 
chaftifement  of  rebellious  fubjefts.  Thus  on  the 
eve  of  one  of  the  moft  remarkable  revolutions 
recorded  in  the  page  of  hiftory,  a  revolution 
which  Great  Britain  precipitated  by  her  indif- 
cretion,  and  which  the  hardieft  fons  of  America 
viewed  in  the  beginning  of  oppofition  as  a  work 
referved  for  the  enterpriling  hand  of  pofterity, 
few  on  either  fide  comprehended  the  magnitude 
of  the  conteft,  and  fewer  ftill  had  the  courage 
to  name  the  independence  of  the  American 
colonies  as  the  ultimatum  of  their  dejigns. 

After  the  fpirits  of  men  had  been  wrought 
up  to  a  high  tone  of  refentment,  by  repeated 
injuries  on  the  one  hand,  and  an  open  refiftance 
on  the  other,  there  was  little  reafon  to  expect 
SL  ready  compliance  with  regulations,  repugnant 
to  the  feelings,  the  principles,  and  the  inter- 
eft  of  Americans.  The  parliament  of  Britain 
therefore  thought  it  expedient  to  enforce  obe- 
dience by  the  fword,  and  determined  to  fend 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  129 


out  an  armament  fufficient  for  the  purpofe, 
early  in  the  fpring  one  thoufand  feven  hundred 
and  feventy-four.  The  fubjugation  of  the  col- 
onies by  arms,  was  yet  confidered  in  England 
by  fome  as  a  work  of  fuch  facility,  that  four  or 
five  regiments,  with  a  few  mips  of  the  line,  were 
equal  to  the  bufineis,  provided  they  were  com- 
manded by  officers  who  had  not  fagacity  enough 
to  judge  of  the  impropriety  of  the  meafures  of 
adminiftration,  nor  humanity  to  feel  for  the 
miferies  of  the  people,  or  liberality  to  endeavour 
to  mitigate  the  rigors  of  government.  In 
confequence  of  this  opinion,  admiral  Montague 
was  recalled  from  Boilon,  and  admiral  Graves 
appointed  to  fucceed,  whofe  character  was 
known  to  be  more  avaricious,  fevere  and  vigi- 
lant than  his  precleceflbr,  and  in  all  refpecls  a 
more  fit  inftrument  to  execute  the  weak,  indi- 
gefted  and  irritating  fyftem. 

General  Gage,  unhappily  for  himfelf,  as  will 
appear  in  the  fequel,  was  felecled  as  a  proper 
perfon  to  take  the  command  of  all  his  majefty's 
forces  in  North  America,  and  reduce  the  country 
to  fubmiflion.  He  had  married  a  lady  of  re- 
fpe&able  connexions  in  New  York,  and  had 
held  with  confiderable  reputation  for  feveral 
years  a  military  employment  in  the  colonies. 
He  was  at  this  time  appointed  governor  and 
commander  in  chief  of  the  province  of  MafTa- 
chufetts  Bay  ;  directed  to  repair  immediately 
there,  and  on  his  arrival  to  remove  the  feat  of 

VOL.  i.  R 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  v.  government  from  Bofton,  and  to  convene  the 
general  affembly  to  meet  at  Salem,  a  fmaller 
town,  iituated  about  twenty  miles  from  the 
capital.  The  governor,  the  lieutenant-governor, 
the  fecretary,  the  board  of  commiffioners,  and 
all  crown  officers  were  ordered  by  fpecial  man- 
date to  leave  Bofton,  and  make  the  town  of 
Salem  the  place  of  their  future  refidence* 

A  few  days  before  the  annual  election  for  May, 
one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-four, 
the  new  governor  of  the  MaiTachufetts  arrived. 
He  was  received  by  the  inhabitants  of  Bofton 
with  the  fame  refpecl  that  had  been  ufually 
ihewn  to  thofe,  who  were  dignified  by  the  title 
of  the  king's  reprefentative.  An  elegant  enter- 
tainment was  provided  at  Faneuil  Hall,  to 
which  he  was  efcorted  by  a  company  of  cadets, 
and  attended  with  great  civility  by  the  magif- 
trates  and  principal  gentlemen  of  the  town  ; 
and  though  jealoufy,  difguft  and  refentment 
burnt  in  the  bofom  of  one  party,  and  the  moft 
unwarrantable  defigns  occupied  the  thoughts  of 
the  other,  yet  the  appearance  of  politenefs  and 
good  humor  was  kept  up  through  the  etiquette 
of  the  day. 

The  week  following  was  the  anniverfary  of 
the  general  election,  agreeable  to  charter.  The 
day  was  ufhered  in  with  the  ufual  parade,  and 
the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  proceeded  to  buli- 
nefs  in  the  common  form  :  but  a  fpecimen  of 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  131 


the  meafures  to  be  expected  from  the  new  ad- 
miniftration  appeared  in  the  firft  acl  of  authority  ^ 
recorded  of  governor  Gage.  A  lift  of  coimfel- 
lors  was  prefented  for  his  approbation,  from 
which  he  erafed  the  names  of  thirteen  gentle- 
men out  of  twenty-eight,  unanimouily  chofen 
by  the  free  voice  of  the  reprefentatives  of  the 
people,  leaving  only  a  quorum  as  eftabliflied  by 
charter,  or  it  was  apprehended,  in  the  exercife 
of  his  new  prerogative  he  might  have  annihila- 
ted the  whole.  Moft  of  the  gentlemen  on  the 
negatived  lift  had  been  diftinguiflied  for  their 
attachment  to  the  ancient  conftitution,  and  their 
decided  oppofition  to  the  prefent  minifterial 
meafures.  Among  them  was  James  Bowdoin, 
Efq.  whofe  underftanding,  difcernment,  and 
confcientious  deportment,  rendered  him  a  very 
unfit  inftrument  for  the  views  of  the  court,  at 
this  extraordinary  period.  John  Winthrop, 
Hollifian  pr"ofefTor  of  mathematics  and  natural 
philofophy  at  Cambridge  ;  his  public  conduct 
was  but  the  emanation  of  fuperior  genius,  unit- 
ed with  an  excellent  heart,  as  much  diftinguifli- 
ed for  every  private  virtue  as  for  his  attachment 
to  the  liberties  of  a  country  that  may  glory  in 
giving  birth  to  a  man  of  his  exalted  character.* 
Colonel  Otis  of  Barnftable,  whofe  name  has 
been  already  mentioned  ;  and  John  Adams,  a 

*  Dr.    Winthrop  was  lineally  defcended  from  the  firft 
governor  of  the  Mailachufetts,  and  inherited  the  virtues  and 
talents  of  his  great  anceftor,  too  well  known  to  need  any        < 
encomium. 


132  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  v.       barrifter  at  law  of  riling  abilities ;  his  appear- 
ance on  the  theatre  of  politics  commenced  at 

1  /  /  4. 

this  period  ;    we  ihall  meet  him   again  in  ftill 

more  dignified  ftations.  Thefe  gentlemen  had 
been  undoubtedly  pointed  out  as  obnoxious  to 
admin  iftration  by  the  predeceffor  of  governor 
Gage,  as  he  had  not  been  long  enough  in  the 
.province  to  difcriminate  characters. 

The  houfe  of  reprefentatives  did  not  think 
proper  to  replace  the  members  of  council  by  a 
new  choice ;  they  filently  bore  this  indifcreet 
exercife  of  authority,  feniible  it  was  but  a  pre- 
lude to  the  impending  ftorm.  The  affembly 
was  the  next  day  adjourned  for  a  week  ;  at  the 
expiration  of  that  time,  they  were  directed  to 
meet  at  Salem.  In  the  interim  the  governor 
removed  himfelf, and  the  whole  band  of  revenue 
and  crown  officers  deferted  the  town  of  Bofton 
at  once,  as  a  place  devoted  to  deftruction. 

Every  external  appearance  of  refpect  was  {till 
kept  up  towards  the  new  governor.  The  council, 
the  houfe,  the  judiciary  officers,  the  mercantile 
and  other  bodies,  prepared  and  offered  congrat- 
ulatory addreffes  as  ufual,  on  the  recent  arrival 
of  the  commander  in  chief  at  the  feat  of  govern- 
ment. The  incenfe  was  received  both  at  Bofton 
and  Salem  with  the  ufual  fatisfaction,  except  the 
addrefs  from  the  remaining  board  of  counfel- 
lors  ;  this  was  checked  with  afperity,  and  the 
reading  it  through  forbidden,  as  the  compofi- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  133 

tion  contained  fome  ftrichures  on  adminiftra- 
tion,  and  cenfured  rather  too  freely,  for  the 
delicate  ear  of  an  infant  magiftrate,  the  conducl 
of  fome  of  his  predeceilbrs.  But  this  was  the 
laft  compliment  of  the  kind,  ever  offered  by  ei- 
ther branch  of  the  legiflature  of  the  MafTachu- 
fetts  to  ?  governor  appointed  by  the  king  of 
Great  Britain.  No  marks  of  minifterial  refent- 
ment  had  either  humbled  or  intimidated  the 
fpirits,  norfhook  the  intrepidity  of  mind  necef- 
fary  for  the  times  ;  and  though  it  was  firft  call- 
ed into  action  in  the  MaiTachufetts  it  breathed 
its  influence  through  all  the  colonies.  They  all 
feemed  equally  prepared  to  fuffer,and  equally  de- 
termined to  reiift  in  unifon,  if  no  mean  but  that 
of  abfolute  fubmiilion  was  tobe  the  t eft  of  loyalty. 

The  firft  day  of  June,  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  feventy-four,  the  day  when  the 
Bofton  port-bill  began  to  operate,  was  obferved 
in  moft  of  the  colonies  with  uncommon  folem- 
nity  as  a  day  of  fafting  and  prayer.  In  all  of 
them,fympathy  and  indignation,  compaiHon  and 
refentment,  alternately  arofe  in  every  bofom. 
A  zeal  to  relieve,  and  an  alacrity  to  fupport  the 
diftrefled  Bqftoniari$9  feemed  to  pervade  the 
whole  continent,  except  the  dependents  on  the 
crown,  and  their  partisans,  allured  by  intereft 
to  adhere  to  the  royal  caufe.  There  were  in- 
deed a  few  others  in  every  colony  led  to  unite 
with,  and  to  think  favorably  of  the  meafures  of 
adminiftration,  from  their  attachment  tQ 


134  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  v.  archy,  in  which  they  had  been  educated  ;  and 
fome  there  were  who  juftified  all  things  done 
by  the  hand  of  power,  either  from  fear,  igno- 
rance, or  imbecility. 

The  feffion  at  Salem  was  of  fhort  duration, 
but  it  was  a  bufy  and  an  important  period. 
The  leading  characters  in  the  houfe  of  reprefent- 
atives  contemplated  the  prefent  moment,  re- 
plete with  confequences  of  the  utmoft  magni- 
tude ;  they  judged  it  a  criiis  that  required  mea- 
fures  bold  and  decifive,  though  hazardous,  and 
that  the  extrication  of  their  country  from  the 
defigns  of  their  enemies,  depended  much  on  the 
conduct  of  the  prefent  affembly.  Their  charter 
was  on  the  point  of  annihilation  ;  a  military  gov- 
ernor had  juft  arrived,  with  troops  on  the  fpot, 
to  fupport  the  arbitrary  fyftems  of  the  court  of 
St.  James. 

Thefe  appearances  had  a  difagreeable  effect 
on  fome  who  had  before  co-operated  with  the 
patriots  ;  they  began  to  tremble  at  the  power 
and  the  feverity  of  Britain,  at  a  time  when  firm- 
nefs  was  moft  required,  zeal  indifpenfable,  and 
fecrecy  neceffary.  Yet  thofe  who  poffeffed  the 
energies  of  mind  requifite  for  the  completion  or 
the  defeat  of  great  defigns,  had  not  their  ardor 
or  refolution  fhaken  in  the  fmalleft  degree,  by 
either  dangers,  threats  or  careifes.  It  was  a 
prime  object  to  felect  a  few  members  of  the 
houfe,  that  might  be  trufted  moft  confidentially 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  135 

on  any  emergence.  This  talk  fell  on  Mr.  Sam-  CHAP.  v. 
uel  Adams  of  Bofton,  and  Mr.  Warren  of  Ply- 
mouth.  They  drew  off  a  few  chofen  fpirits,  who 
met  at  a  place  appointed  for  a  fecret  confer- 
ence ;*  feveral  others  were  introduced  the 
enfuing  evening,  when  a  difcuflion  of  circum- 
flances  took  place.  Immediate  decifion,  and 
effectual  modes  of  a&ion  were  urged,  and  fuch 
caution,  energy  and  difpatch  were  obferved  by 
this  daring  and  dauntlefs  fecret  council,  that  on 
the  third  evening  of  their  conference  their  bu- 
finefs  was  ripe  for  execution. 

This  committee  had  digefted  a  plan  for  a 
general  congrefs  from  all  the  colonies,  to  confult 
on  the  common  fafety  of  America  ;t  named 
their  own  delegates ;  and  as  all  prefent  were 
convinced  of  the  neceffity  and  expediency  of 
fuch  a  convention,  they  eftimated  the  expenfe, 

*  Among  thefe  the  names  of  Hancock,  Cufhing,  and 
Hawley,  of  Sullivan,  Robert  Payne,  and  Benjamin  Green* 
leaf  of  Newburyport,  and  many  others,  fhould  not  be 
forgotten,  but  ought  always  to  be  mentioned  with  refpect, 
for  their  zeal  at  this  critical  moment. 

f  Such  a  remarkable  coincidence  of  opinion,  energy  and 
zeal,  exifted  between  the  provinces  of  Virginia  and  the 
MaCichufetts,  that  their  meafures  and  refolutions  were 
often  fimilar,  previous  to  the  opportunity  for  conference. 
Thus  the  propriety  of  a  general  congrefs  had  been  difcuf- 
fed  and  agreed  upon  by  the  Virginians,  before  they  were 
informed  of  the  refolutions  of  Maflachufetts.  Some  of  the 
other  colonies  had  contemplated  the  fame  meafure,  without 
any  previous  confultation. 


136  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  v.  and  provided  funds  for  the  liquidation,  pre- 
pared  letters  to  the  other  colonies,  enforcing 
the  reafons  for  their  ftrong  confederacy,  and 
difclofed  their  proceedings  to  the  houfe,  before 
the  governmental  party  had  the  leaft  fufpicion 
of  their  deligns.  Before  the  full  difclofure  of 
the  buiinefs  they  were  upon,  the  doors  of  the 
houfe  were  locked,  and  a  vote  palled,  that  no 
one  fhould  be  fullered  to  enter  or  retire,  until 
a  final  determination  took  place  on  the  impor- 
tant queftions  before  them.  When  thefe  de- 
ligns were  opened,  the  partizans  of  adminiftra- 
tion  then  in  the  houfe,  were  thunderftruck 
with  meafures  fo  replete  with  ability  and  vigour, 
and  that  wore  fuch  an  afpecl  of  high  and  dan- 
gerous confequences. 

Thefe  transactions  might  have  been  legally 
ftyled  treafonable,hut  loyalty  had  loft  its  influence, 
and  power  its  terrors.  Firm  and  difintcrefted, 
intrepid  and  united,  they  ftood  ready  to  fubmit 
to  the  chances  of  war,  and  to  facrifice  their  de- 
voted lives  to  preferve  inviolate,  and  to  tranf- 
mit  to  pofterity,  the  inherent  rights  of  men,con- 
terred  on  all  by  the  God  of  nature,  and  the  priv- 
ileges of  Englifhmen,  claimed  by  Americans 
from  the  facred  {auctions  of  compact. 

YvJien  the  meafures  agitated  in  the  fecret  con- 
ference were  bid  before  the  houfe  of  reprefent- 
atives,  one  of  the  members  a  devotee  to  all  gov- 
ernors, pretended  a  fudden  indifpofition,  and  re- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  137 

quefted  leave  to  withdraw ;  he  pleaded  the  ne-    CHAP.  v. 
ceflities  of  nature,  was  releafed  from  his  uneafy         ~ 
confinement,  and  ran  immediately  to  governor 
Gage  with  information  of  the  bold  and  high- 
handed proceedings  of  the  lower  houfe.     The 
governor  not  lefs  alarmed  than  the  fycophant, 
at  thefe  unexpected  manoeuvres,  inflantly  direct- 
ed the  fecretary  to  diffolve  the  aiTembly  by  pro- 
clamation. 

Finding  the  doors  of  the  houfe  clofed,  and  no 
profpect  of  admittance  for  him,  the  fecretary  de- 
fired  the  door-keeper  to  acquaint  the  houfe  he 
had  a  meffage  from  the  governor,  and  requefted 
leave  to  deliver  it.  The  fpeaker  replied,  that 
it  was  the  order  of  the  houfe,  that  no  one 
mould  be  permitted  to  enter  on  any  pretence 
whatever,  before  the  bufmefs  they  were  upon 
was  fully  completed.  Agitated  and  embar- 
raffed,  the  fecretary  then  read  on  the  ftairs  a 
proclamation  for  the  immediate  diffolution  of 
the  general  affembly. 

The  main  point  gained,  the  delegates  for  a  con- 
grefs  chofen,  fupplies  for  their  fupport  voted,  and 
letters  to  the  other  colonies  requefting  them  to 
accord  in  thefe  meafures,  ligned  by  the  fpeak- 
er, the  members  cheerfully  difperfed,  and  re- 
turned to  their  conftituents,  fatisfied,  that  not- 
withftanding  the  precipitant  diffolution  of  the 
aflembly,  they  had  done  all  that  the  circum- 

VOL.  i.  s 


138  THE    RISE    AftD    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  v.        fiances  of  the  times  would  admit,  to  remedy  the 
"  prefent,  and  guard  againft  future  evils. 

This  early  fiep  to  promote  the  general  inte- 
reft  of  the  colonies,  and  lay  the  foundation  of 
union  and  concord  in  all  their  fubfequent  tranf- 
actions,  will  ever  reflect  luftre  on  the  characters 
of  thofe  who  conducted  it  with  fuch  firmnefs 
and  decifion.  It  was  indeed  a  very  critical  era  : 
nor  were  thofe  gentlemen  infeniible  of  the 
truth  of  the  obfervation,  that  "  whoever  has  a 
"  {landing  army  at  command,  has,  or  may  have 
"  the  flate."  Nor  were  they  lefs  fenfible,  that  in 
the  prefent  circumftances,  while  they  acknowl- 
edged themfelves  the  fubjects  of  the  king  of 
England,  their  conduct  muft  be  ftyled  rebellion, 
and  that  death  muft  be  the  inevitable  confe- 
quence  of  defeat.  Yet  life  was  then  conlider- 
ed  a  trivial  flake  in  competition  with  liberty. 

All  the  old  colonies  except  Georgia,  readily 
acceded  to  the  propofal  of  calling  a  general 
congrefs  ;  they  made  immediate  exertions  that 
there  might  be  no  difcord  in  the  councils  of  the 
feveral  provinces,  and  that  their  oppofition 
mould  be  confiftent,  fpirited  and  fyftematical. 
Mofl  of  them  had  previoufly  laid  afide  many  of 
their  local  prejudices,  and  by  public  refolves  and 
various  other  modes,  had  expreffed  their  difguft 
at  the  fummary  proceedings  of  parliament 
againft  the  Maffachufetts.  They  reprobated  the 
port-bill  in  terms  of  deteftation,  raifed  liberal 
contributions  for  the  fuffering  inhabitants  of 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  139 

Bofton,  and  continued  their  determinations  to 
fupport  that  province  at  every  hazard,  through 
the  conflict  in  which  they  were  involved. 

In  conformity  to  the  coercive  fyftem,  the 
governors  of  all  the  colonies  frowned  on  the 
Sympathetic  part  the  feveral  legiflative  bodies 
had  been  difpofed  to  take  with  the  turbulent 
defcendants,  as  they  were  pleafed  to  ftyle  the 
Maflachufetts,  of  puritans,  republicans  and  regi- 
cides. Thus  moft  of  the  colonial  aflemblies 
had  been  petulantly  diflblved,  nor  could  any  ap- 
plications from  the  people  prevail  on  the  fu- 
preme  magiftrate,  to  fuffer  the  reprefentatives 
and  burgeffes  to  meet,  and  in  a  legal  capacity 
deliberate  on  meafures  moft  coniiftent  with 
loyalty  and  freedom.  But  this  perfevering 
obftinacy  of  the  governors  did  not  retard  the 
refolutions  of  the  people  ;  they  met  in  parifties, 
and  felecled  perfons  from  almoft  every  town, 
to  meet  in  provincial  conventions,  and  there 
to  make  choice  of  fuitable  delegates  to  meet  in 
general  congrefs. 

The  beginning  of  autumn,  one  thoufand 
feven  hundred  and  feventy-four,  was  the  time 
appointed,  and  the  city  of  Philadelphia  chofen, 
as  the  moft  central  and  convenient  place,  for 
this  body  to  meet  and  deliberate,  at  fo  critical 
a  conjuncture.  Yet  fuch  was  the  attachment 
to  Britain,  the  ftrength  of  habit,  and  the  influ- 
ence of  ancient  forms  ;  fuch  the  reluctant  dread 


140  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.V.  of  fpilling  human  blood,  which  at  that  period 
"  1774  was  univerfally  felt  in  America,  that  there  were 
few,  who  did  not  ardently  wifh  fome  friendly 
intervention  might  yet  prevent  a  rupture,  which 
probably  might  make  the  empire  of  Britain, 
and  wafte  the  inhabitants  on  both  fides  the  At- 
lantic. 

At  this  early  period,  there  were  fome 
who  viewed  the  ftep  of  their  fummoning  a 
general  congrefs,  under  exifting  circumftances 
of  peculiar  embarraffment,  as  a  prelude  to  a 
revolution  which  appeared  pregnant  with  events, 
that  might  affect  not  only  the  political  fyftems, 
but  the  character  and  manners  of  a  conlidera- 
ble  part  of  the  habitable  globe.* 

America  was  then  little  known,  her  charac- 
ter, ability,  and  police,  lefs  underftood  abroad ; 
but  me  foon  became  the  object  of  attention 
among  the  potentates  of  Europe,  the  admira- 
tion of  both  the  philofophic  and  the  brave,  and 
her  fields  the  theatre  of  fame  throughout  the 
civilized  world.  Her  principles  were  diffemi- 
nated:  the  feeds  fown  in  America  ripened  in  the 

*  This  obfervation  has  fince  been  verified  in  the  re. 
xnarkable  revolution  in  France  ; — a  ftruggle  for  freedom 
on  one  fide,  and  the  combinations  of  European  monarchs 
on  the  other,  to  deprefs  and  eradicate  the  fpirit  of  liber- 
ty caught  in  America,  was  difplayed  to  the  world  ;  nor 
was  any  of  the  combination  of  princes  at  the  treaty  of 
Pilnitz  more  perfevering  in  the  caufe  of  defpotifm  than 
the  king  of  Great  Britain. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  141 

more  cultivated  grounds   of  Europe,   and  in-    CHAP.V. 
fpired  ideas  among  the  enilaved  nations   that  '  ' 

have  long  trembled  at  the  name  of  the  baftile 
and  the  baftinado*  This  may  finally  lead  to  the 
completion  of  prophetic  predictions,  and  fpread 
univerfal  liberty  and  peace,  as  far  at  leaft  as  is 
compatible  with  the  prefent  ftate  of  human  na- 
ture. 

The  wild  vagaries  of  the  perfectibility  of 
man,  fo  long  as  the  pafllons  to  which  the  fpe- 
cies  are  liable  play  about  the  hearts  of  all,  may 
be  left  to  the  dreaming  fciolift,  who  wanders 
in  fearch  of  impracticable  theories.  He  may 
remain  entangled  in  his  own  web,  while  that 
rational  liberty,  to  which  all  have  a  right,  may 
be  exhibited  and  defended  by  men  of  principle 
and  heroifm,  who  better  underfland  the  laws  of 
focial  order. 

Through  the  fummer  previous  to  the  meet- 
ing of  congrefs,  no  expreflions  of  loyalty  to  the 
fovereign,  or  affection  to  the  parent  ftate,  were 
neglected  in  their  public  declarations.  Yet  the 
colonies  feemed  to  be  animated  as  it  were  by 
one  foul,  to  train  their  youth  to  arms,  to  with- 
hold all  commercial  connexion  with  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  to  cultivate  that  unanimity  necefTary 
to  bind  fociety  when  ancient  forms  are  relaxed 
or  broken,  and  the  common  fafety  required  the 
affumption  of  new  modes  of  government.  But 
while  attentive  to  the  regulations  of  their  in- 


142  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  v.  ternal  economy  and  police,  each  colony  beheld 
with  a  friendly  and  compaflionate  eye,  the  fe- 
vere  ftruggles  of  the  Maffachufetts,  where  the 
arm  of  power  was  principally  levelled,  and  the 
ebullitions  of  minifterial  refentment  poured 
forth,  as  if  to  terrify  the  filter  provinces  into 
fubmiffion, 


Not  long  after  the  diflblution  of  the  laft  af- 
fembly  ever  convened  in  that  province  on  the 
principles  of  their  former  charter,  admiral 
Graves  arrived  in  Bofton,  with  feveral  mips  of 
the  line  and  a  number  of  tranfports  laden  with 
troops,  military  {tores,  and  all  \varlike  accoutre- 
ments. The  troops  landed  peaceably,  took  pof- 
feffion  of  the  open  grounds,  and  formed  feveral 
encampments  within  the  town. 

At  the  fame  time  arrived  the  bill  for  new* 
modelling  the  government  of  the  Maffachufetts, 
By  this  bill  their  former  charter  was  entirely 
vacated :  a  council  of  thirty-fix  members  was 
appointed  by  mandamus,  to  hold  their  places  dur- 
ing the  king's  pleafure  ;  all  judges,  juftices, 
flieriffs,  &c.  were  to  be  appointed  by  the  go- 
vernor, without  the  advice  of  council,  and  to 
be  removed  at  his  fole  option.  Jurors  in  fu- 
ture were  to  be  named  by  the  flierifF,  inltead  of 
the  ufual  and  more  impartial  mode  of  drawing 
them  by  lot.  All  town-meetings  without  ex- 
prefs  leave  from  the  governor  were  forbidden, 
except  thofe  annually  held  in  the  fpring  for  the 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  143 

choice  of  reprefentatives  and  town-officers.    Se-    CHAP'V' 
veral  other  violations  of  the  former   compact      1774. 
completed  the  fyfteiric 

This  new  mode  of  government,  though  it 
had  been  for  fome  time  expected,  occafioned 
fuch  loud  complaints,  fuch  univerfal  murmurs, 
that  feveral  of  the  newly  appointed  counfellors 
had  not  the  courage  to  accept  places  which  they 
were  fenfible  would  reflect  difgrace  on  their 
memory.  Two  of  them*  feemed  really  to 
decline  from  principle,  and  publickly  declared 
they  would  have  no  hand  in  the  dereliction  of 
the  rights  of  their  country.  Several  others  re- 
linquilhed  their  feats  for  fear  of  offending  their 
countrymen  ;  but  moil  of  them,  felecled  by 
Mr.  Hutchinfon  as  proper  inftruments  for  the 
purpofe,  were  deftitute  of  all  ideas  of  public 
virtue.  They  readily  took  the  qualifying  oaths, 
and  engaged  to  lend  their  hand  to  erafe  the  laft 
veflige  of  freedom  in  that  devoted  province. 

The  people  ftill  firm  and  undaunted,  aflem- 
bled  in  multitudes  and  repaired  to  the  houfes 
of  the  obnoxious  counfellors.  They  demanded 
an  immediate  reiignation  of  their  unconftitu- 
tional  appointments,  and  a  folemn  affurance 
that  they  would  never  accept  any  office  incom- 
patible with  the  former  privileges  enjoyed  by 
their  country.  Some  of  them  terrified  by  the 

*  Thefe  were  James  Ruflell,  Efq.  of  Charleftowo,  and 
William  VafTal,  Efq.  of  Bofton, 


144  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS   OF 

resolution  of  the  people  complied,  and  re- 
mained  afterwards  quiet  and  unmolefted  in 
their  own  houfes.  Others,  who  had  proftrated 
all  principle  in  the  hope  of  preferment,  and 
were  hardy  enough  to  go  every  length  to  fecure 
it,  confcious  of  the  guilty  part  they  had  acted, 
made  their  efcape  into  Bofton  where  they  were 
fure  of  the  protection  of  the  king's  troops.  In- 
deed  that  unhappy  town  foon  became  the  re- 
ceptacle of  all  the  devotees  to  minifterial  meaf- 
ures  from  every  part  of  the  province  :  they 
there  confoled  themfelves  with  the  barbarous 
hope,  that  parliament  would  take  the  fevereft 
meafures  to  enforce  their  own  acts  ;  nor  were 
thefe  hopes  unfounded. 

It  has  been  obferved  that  by  the  late  edict 
for  the  better  admiriiftration  ofjujlice  in  the  Maf- 
fachufetts,  any  man  was  liable  on  the  flighteft 
fufpicion  of  treafon^  or  mifprifion  of  treafon^  to  be 
dragged  from  his  own  family  or  vicinity,  to  any 
part  of  the  king  of  England's  dominions  for 
trial.  It  was  now  reported  that  general  Gage 
had  orders  to  arreft  the  leading  characters  in 
oppoiition,  and  tranfport  them  beyond  fea,  and 
that  a  reinforcement  of  troops  might  be  hourly 
expected  fufficient  to  enable  him  to  execute  all 
the  mad  projects  of  a  rafh  and  unprincipled 
minifrry. 

Though  the  operation  of  this  fyftem  in  its 
utmoft  latitude  was  daily  threatened  and  ex- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  145 


peeled,  it  made  little  impreffion  on  a  people 
determined  to  withhold  even  a  tacit  confent  to 

/ 

any  infractions  on  their  charter.  They  confid- 
ered  the  prefent  meafures  as  a  breach  of  a  fol- 
emn  covenant,  which  at  the  fame  time  that  it 
fubjected  them  to  the  authority  of  the  king  of 
England,  ftipulated  to  them  the  equal  enjoy- 
ment of  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  free  and 
natural  born  fubje&s.  They  chofe  to  hazard 
the  confequences  of  returning  back  to  a  ftate  of 
nature,  rather  than  quietly  fubmit  to  unjuft  and 
arbitrary  meafures  continually  accumulating. 
This  was  a  dangerous  experiment,  though  they 
were  feniible  that  the  neceilities  of  man  will 
foon  reftore  order  and  fubordination,  even  from 
confufion  and  anarchy  :  on  the  contrary,  the 
yoke  of  defpotifm  once  rivetted,  no  human  fa- 
gacity  can  juftly  calculate  its  termination. 

While  matters  hung  in  this  fufpenfe,  the 
people  in  all  the  mire  towns  collected  in  prodi- 
gious numbers  to  prevent  the  fitting  of  the 
courts  of  common  law  ;  forbidding  the  juftices 
to  meet,  or  the  jurors  to  empannel,  and  obliging 
all  civil  magiftrates  to  bind  themfelves  by  oath, 
not  to  conform  to  the  late  afts  of  parliament  in 
any  judiciary  proceedings  ;  and  all  military  offi- 
cers were  called  upon  to  refign  their  commif- 
fions.  Thus  were  the  bands  of  fociety  relaxed, 
law  fet  at  defiance,  and  government  unhinged 
throughout  the  province.  Perhaps  this  may  be 

VOL.  i.  ? 


146  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  v.  marked  in  the  annals  of  time,  as  one  of  the  moft 
37~"  extraordinary  eras  in  the  hiftory  of  man  :  the 
exertions  of  fpirit  awakened  by  the  fevere  hand 
of  power  had  led  to  that  moft  alarming  experi- 
ment of  levelling  all  ranks,  and  deftroying  all 
fubordination. 


It  cannot  be  denied  that  nothing  is  more 
difficult  than  to  reftrain  the  provoked  multi- 
tude, when  once  aroufed  by  a  fenfe  of  wrong, 
from  that  fupinenefs  which  generally  over- 
ipreads  the  common  clafs  of  mankind.  Igno- 
rant and  fierce,  they  know  not  in  the  firft 
ebullitions  of  refentment,  haw  to  repel  with 
fiifety  the  arm  of  the  oppreflbr.  It  is  a  work 
of  time  to  eflablifh  a  regular  oppofition  to  long 
eilabliihed  tyranny.  A  celebrated  writer  has 
obferved,  that  "  men  bear  with  the  defects  in 
66  their  police,  as  they  do  with  their  inconve- 
"  niences  and  hardfhips  in  living  :"  and  perhaps 
the  facility  of  the  human  mind  in  adapting  it-- 
felf  to  its  circumftances,  was  never  more  re- 
markably exemplified,  than  it  was  at  this  time 
in  America. 

Trade  had  long  been  embarrafTed  throughout 
the  colonies  by  the  reftraints  of  parliament  and 
the  rapacity  of  revenue  officers  ;  the  ihutting 
up  the  port  of  Boilon  was  felt  in  every  villa  of 
the  New  England  colonies  ;  the  bill  for  altering 
the  coiiftitutioh  of  MaiTachufetts,  prevented  all 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  147 

legiilative  proceedings  ;    the  executive  officers    CK.\?.  v. 
were  rendered  incapable  of  acting  in  their  fev-        ~ 
eral  departments,  and  the  courts  of  juftice  fliut 
up.      It  muft  be  afcribed  to  the  virtue  of  the 
people,  however  reluctant  fome  may  be  to  ac- 
knowledge this  truth,  that  they  did  not  feel  the 
effects  of  anarchy  in  the  extreme. 

But  a  general  forbearance  and  complacency 
feemed  for  a  time  almoft  to  preclude  the  necef- 
fity  of  legal  reftraint ;  and  except  in  a  few  in- 
flates, when  the  indifcretion  of  individuals 
provoked  abufe,  there  was  lefs  violence  and  per- 
fonal  infult  than  perhaps  ever  was  known  in  the 
fame  period  of  time,  when  all  political  union 
was  broken  down,  and  private  affection  weak- 
ened, by  the  virulence  of  party  prejudice,  which 
generally  cuts  in  funder  the  bands  of  focial  and 
friendly  connexion.  The  people  irritated  in 
the  higheft  degree,  the  fword  feemed  to  be 
half  drawn  from  the  fcabbard,  while  the  trem- 
bling hand  appeared  unwilling  to  difplay  its 
whetted  point  ;  and  all  America,  as  well  as  the 
Maffachufetts,  fufpended  all  partial  oppofltion, 
and  waited  in  anxious  hope  and  expectation  the 
decifions  of  a  continental  congrefs. 

This  refpe&ed  affembly,  the  Amphyftions  of 
the  weftern  world,  convened  by  the  free  fuf- 
frages  of  twelve  colonies,  met  at  the  time  pro- 
pofed,  on  the  fourth  of  September,  one  thou- 
fand  feven  hundred  and  leventy-fcur.  They 


148  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.V.        entered  on  bufinefs  with  hearts  warmed  with 
1  the  love  of  their  country,  a  fenfe  of  the  com- 

mon and  equal  rights  of  man,  ancUthe  dignity 
of  human  nature.  Peyton  Randolph,  Efq.  a 
gentleman  from  Virginia,  whofe  fobriety,  integ- 
rity, and  political  abilities,  qualified  him  for  the 
important  ftation,  was  unanimoufly  chofen  to 
prefide  in  this  grand  council  of  American  peers. 

Though  this  body  was  fenfibly  affected  by  the 
many  injuries  received  from  the  parent  ftate, 
their  firft  wiih  was  a  reconciliation  on  terms  of 
reciprocity,  juftice  and  honor.  In  confequence 
of  thefe  fentiments  they  cautioufly  avoided,  as 
far  as  was  confiftent  with  the  duty  due  to  their 
conftituents,  every  thing  that  might  tend  to 
widen  the  breach  between  Great-Britain  and 
the  colonies.  Yet  they  were  determined,  if 
parliament  continued  deaf  to  the  calls  of  juftice, 
not  to  fubmit  to  the  yoke  of  tyranny,  but  to 
take  the  preparatory  fteps  neceffary  for  a  vigo- 
rous refiftance. 

After  a  thorough  difcuffion  of  the  civil,  po- 
litical, and  commercial  interefts  of  both  coun- 
tries, the  natural  ties,  and  the  mutual  benefits 
refulting  from  the  ftrifteft  amity,  and  the  un- 
happy confequences  that  muft  eniue,  if  driven 
to  the  laft  appeal,  they  refolved  on  a  dutiful 
and  loyal  petition  to  the  king,  recapitulating 
their  grievances,  and  imploring  redrefs  :  they 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  149 

modeftly  remonftrated,  and  obliquely  cenfur-    CHAP.V. 
ed  the  authors  of  thofe  mifchiefs,  which  filled 
all  America  with  complaint. 

They  drew  up  an  affectionate,  but  fpirited 
memorial  to  the  people  of  England,  reminding 
them  that  they  held  their  own  boafted  liberties 
on  a  precarious  tenure,  if  government,  under 
the  fanction  of  parliamentary  authority,  might 
enforce  by  the  terrors  of  the  fword  their  un- 
conftitutional  edicts.  They  informed  them, 
that  they  determined,  from  a  fenfe  of  juftice  to 
pofterity,  and  for  the  honor  of  human  nature, 
to  refift  all  infringements  on  the  natural  rights 
of  men  ;  that,  if  neither  the  dictates  of  equity, 
nor  the  fuggeftions  of  humanity,  were  power- 
ful  enough  to  reftrain  a  wanton  adminiftration 
from  ftiedding  blood  in  a  caufe  fo  derogatory  to 
the  principles  of  juftice ^  not  all  the  exertions  of 
fuperior  ftrength  mould  lead  them  to  fubmit 
fervilely  to  the  impofitions  of  a  foreign  power. 
They  forwarded  a  well-adapted  addrefs  to  the 
French  inhabitants  of  Canada,  to  which  they 
fubjoined  a  detail  of  their  rights,  with  obferva- 
tions  on  the  alarming  afpect  of  the  late  Quebec 
bill,  and  invited  them  to  join  in  the  common 
caufe  of  America. 

Energy  and  precifion,  political  ability,  and  the 
genuine  amor  patria,  marked  the  meafures  of 
the  fhort  feffion  of  this  congrefs.  They  con- 
cluded their  proceedings  with  an  addrefs  to  the 


* 

• 

150  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 


feveral  American  colonies,  exhorting  them  to 
union  and  perfeverance  in  the  modes  of  oppo- 

17/4. 

ution  they  had  pointed  out.  Among  the  moft 
important  of  thefe  was  a  ftrong  recommenda- 
tion to  difcontinue  all  commerce  with  Great 
Britain,  and  encourage  the  improvement  of  arts 
and  manufactures  among  themfelves.  They  ex- 
horted all  ranks  and  orders  of  men  to  a  ftricl 
adherence  to  induftry,  frugality,  and  fobriety  of 
manners  ;  and  to  look  primarily  to  the  fupreme 
Ruler  of  the  univerfe,  who  is  able  to  defeat  the 
crafty  deiigns  of  the  moft  potent  enemy.  They 
agreed  on  a  declaration  of  rights,  and  entered 
into  an  affociation,  to  which  the  fignature  of 
every  member  of  congrefs  was  affixed  ;*  in 
which  they  bound  themfelves  to  fufpend  all 
farther  intercourfe  with  Great  Britain,  to  im- 
port no  merchandize  from  that  hoftile  country, 
to  abftain  from  the  ufe  of  all  India  teas ;  and  that 
after  a  limited  time,  if  a  radical  redrefs  of 
grievances  was  not  obtained,  no  American  pro- 
duce mould  be  exported  either  to  England  or 
the  Weft  India  iflands  under  the  jurifdiclion  of 
Britain. 

To  thefe  recommendations  wrere  added  feveral 
fumptuary  refolves  ;  after  which  they  advifed 
their  conftituents  to  a  new  choice  of  delegates, 
to  meet  in  congrefs  on  the  tenth  of  May,  one 
thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-five  :  they 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  X. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

judged  it   probable  that,  by  that  time,  they    CHAP.V. 
mould  hear  the  fuccefs  of  their  petitions  to  the        ' 
throne.     They  then  prudently  diflblved  them- 
felves,  and  returned  to  their  private  occupations 
in  their  feveral  provinces,  there  to  wait  the  op- 
eration of  their  refolutions  and  addreiTes. 

It  is  fcarcely  poflible  to  defcribe  the  influence 
of  the  tranfactions  and  refolves  of  congrefs  on 
the  generality  of  the  people  throughout  the  wide 
extended   continent  of  America.     Hiftory  re- 
cords no    injunctions  of  men,  that  were  ever 
more  religioufly  obferved  ;  or  any  human  laws 
more  readily  and  univerfally  obeyed,  than  were 
the  recommendations  of  this  revered  body.     It 
is  indeed  a  iingular  phenomenon  in  the  ftory  of 
human  conduct,  that  when  all  legal  inftitutions 
were  abolifhed,  and  long   eftablifhed  govern- 
ments at  once  annihilated  in  fo  many  diftincl: 
Hates,  that  the  recommendations  of  commit- 
tees and  conventions,  not    enforced  by  penal 
fandions,  mould  be  equally  influential  and  bind- 
ing   with  the  fevereft  code  of  law,  backed  by 
royal  authority,  and  ftrengthened  by  the  mur- 
dering fword  of  defpotifm.     Doubtlefs  the  fear 
of  popular  refentment  operated  on  fome,  with 
a  force  equal  to  the  rod  of  the  magiftrate :  the 
fingular  punifhments,*  inflicted  in  fome  inftan- 
ces  by  an  inflamed  rabble,  on  a  few  who  en- 

*  Such  as  tarring  and  feathering,  Ice. 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

_ 

deavored  to  counteract  the  public  .meafures, 
deterred  others  from  openly  violating  the  pub- 
lic refolves,  and  acting  againft  the  general  con- 
fent  of  the  people. 

Not  the  bittereft  foe  to  American  freedom  $ 
whatever  might  be  his  wilhes,  prefumed  to 
counteract  the  general  voice  by  an  avowed  im- 
portation of  a  lingle  article  of  Britiih  merchan- 
dize, after  the  firft  day  of  February,  one  thou- 
fand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-five.  The 
cargoes  of  all  veffels  that  happened  to  arrive  af- 
ter this  limited  period  were  punctually  deliver- 
ed to  the  committees  of  correfpondence,  in  the 
firft  port  of  their  arrival,  and  fold  at  public 
auction.  The  prime  coft  and  charges,  and  the 
half  of  one  per  cent,  was  paid  to  the  owners* 
and  the  furplus  of  the  profits  was  appropriated 
to  the  relief  of  the  diftrefled  inhabitants  of  Bof- 
ton,  agreeable  to  the  feventh  article  in  the  af- 
fociation  of  the  continental  congrefs. 

The  voice  of  the  multitude  is  as  the  rufliing 
down  of  a  torrent,  nor  is  it  ftrange  that  fome 
outrages  were  committed  againft  a  few  obfti- 
nate  and  imprudent  partizans  of  the  court,  by 
perfons  of  as  little  confideration  as  themfelves. 
It  is  true  that  in  the  courfe  of  the  arduous 
ftruggle,  there  were  many  irregularities  that 
could  not  be  juftified,  and  fome  violences  in 
confequence  of  the  general  difcontent,  that  will 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION,  153 

not  Hand  the  teft,  when  examined  at  the  bar  of 
equity  ;  yet  perhaps  fewer  than  ever  took  place 
in  any  country  under  fimilar  circumftances, 
Witnefs  the  convuliions  of  Rome  on  the  demo- 
lition of  her  firft  race  of  kings  ;  the  infurre&ions 
and  commotions  of  her  colonies  before  the 
downfal  of  the  commonwealth ;  and  to  come 
nearer  home,  the  confufions,  the  mobs,  the  cru- 
elties in  Britain  in  their  civil  convuliions,  from 
William  the  conqueror  to  the  days  of  the  Stu- 
arts, and  from  the  arbitrary  Stuarts  to  the  ri- 
ots of  London  and  Liverpool,  even  in  the  reign 
of  George  the  third. 

Many  other  inftances  of  the  dread  effefts  of 
popular  commotion,  when  wrought  up  to  refift- 
ance  by  the  oppreffive  hand  of  power,  might  be 
adduced  from  the  hiflory  of  nations,*  and  the 

*  France  might  have  been  mentioned,  as  a  remarkable 
inftance  of  the  truth  of  thefe  obfervations,  had  they  not 
been  written  feveral  years  before  the  extraordinary  revolu- 
tions and  cruel  convulfions,  that  have  fmce  agitated  that 
unhappy  country.  Every  one  will  obferve  the  aftonifhing 
difference  in  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  America  and  of 
France,  in  the  two  revolutions  which  took  place  within  a 
few  years  of  each  other.  In  the  one,  all  was  horror,  rob- 
bery, afiaflmation,  murder,  devaftation  and  maffacre  ;  in 
the  other,  a  -general  fenfe  of  rectitude  checked  the  com- 
miffion  of  thofe  crimes,  and  the  dread  of  fpilling  human 
blood  withheld  for  a  time  the  hand  of  party,  even  when 
the  paflions  were  irritated  to  the  extreme.  This  muft  be 
attributed  to  the  different  religion,  government,  laws  and 
manners  of  the  two  countries,  previous  to  thefe  great 
VOL.  I.  U 


154 


1774. 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

ferocity  of  human  nature,  when  not  governed 
by  intereft  or  fear.  Confidering  the  right  of 
perfonal  liberty,  which  every  one  juftly  claims, 
the  tenacious  regard  to  property,  and  the  pride 
of  opinion,  which  fometimes  operates  to  the 
diflblution  of  the  tendereft  ties  of  nature,  it 
is  wonderful,  when  the  mind  was  elevated 
by  thefe  powerful  fprings,  and  the  paffions 
whetted  by  oppofition  or  infult,  that  riot  and 
confuiion,  defolation  and  bloodfhed,  was  not 
the  fatal  confequence  of  the  long  interregnum 
of  law  and  government  throughout  the  colonies. 
Yet  not  a  life  was  loft  till  the  trump  of  war 
fummoned  all  parties  to  the  field. 

Valor  is  an  inftincl:  that  appears  even  among 
favages,  as  a  didate  of  nature  planted  for  felf- 
defence  ;  but  patriotifm  on  the  diffufive  princi- 
ples of  general  benevolence,  is  the  child  of 
fociety.  This  virtue  with  the  fair  acomplifh- 
ments  of  fcience,  gradually  grows  and  increafes 
with  civilization,  until  refinement  is  wrought 
to  a  height  that  poifons  and  corrupts  the  mind. 
This  appears  when  the  accumulation  of  wealth 
is  .  rapid,  and  the  gratifications  of  luxurious 
appetite  become  eafy ;  the  feeds  of  benevolence 
are  then  often  deftroyed,  and  the  man  reverts 

events  ;  not  to  any  difference  in  the  nature  of  man  ;  in 
fimilar  circumftances,  revenge,  cruelty,  confuiion,  and  eve- 
ry evil  work,  operate  equally  oa  the  ungoverned  paflioiis 
of  men  in  all  nations. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  155 

back  to  felfifh  barbarifm,  and  feels  no  check   f IAP  v- 
to  his  rapacity  and  boundlefs  ambition,  though 
his  paffions  may  be  frequently  veiled  under  va- 
rious alluring  and  deceptive  appearances. 

America  was  now  a  fair  field  for  a  tranfcript 
of  all  the  virtues  and  vices  that  have  illumined 
or  darkened,  difgraced  and  reigned  triumphant 
in  their  turn  over  all  the  other  quarters  of  the 
habitable  globe.  The  progrefs  of  every  thing 
had  there  been  remarkably  rapid,  from  the  firft 
fettlement  of  the  country.  Learning  was  cul- 
tivated, knowledge  difleminated,  politenefs  and 
morals  improved,  and  valor  and  patriotifm  che- 
rifhed,  in  proportion  to  the  rapidity  of  her 
population.  This  extraordinary  cultivation  of 
arts  and  manners  may  be  accounted  for,  from 
the  ftage  of  fociety  and  improvement  in  which 
the  firft  planters  of  America  were  educated  be- 
fore they  left  their  native  clime.  The  firft 
emigrations  to  North  America  were  not  com- 
pofed  of  a  ftrolling  banditti  of  rude  nations, 
like  the  firft  people  of  moft  other  colonies  in  the 
hiftory  of  the  world.  The  early  fettlers  in  the 
newly  difcovered  continent  were  as  far  advan- 
ced in  civilization,  policy,  and  manners;  in  their 
ideas  of  government,  the  nature  of  compacts, 
and  the  bands  of  civil  union,  as  any  of  their 
neighbors  at  that  period  among  the  moft  poj- 
ilhed  nations  of  Europe.  Thus  they  foon  grew 
to  maturity,  and  became  able  to  vie  with  their 
European  anceftors  in  arts,  in  arms,  in  perfpi- 


156  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  v.  cuity  in  the  cabinet,  courage  in  the  field,  and 
ability  for  foreign  negociations,  in  the  fame 
fpace  of  time  that  moft  other  colonies  have  re- 
quired to  pare  off  the  ruggednefs  of  their  native 
ferocity,  eftablifh  the  rudiments  of  civil  fociety, 
and  begin  the  fabric  of  government  and  jurif- 
prudence.  Yet  as  they  were  not  fully  fenfible  of 
their  own  ftrength  and  abilities,  they  wiflied 
ftill  to  hang  upon  the  arm,  and  look  up  for  pro. 
tedion  to  their  original  parent. 

The  united  voice  of  millions  ftill  acknowl- 
edged the  fceptre  of  Brunfwick;  firmly  attached 
to  the  houfe  of  Hanover,  educated  in  the  prin- 
ciples of  monarchy,  and  fond  of  that  mode  of 
government  under  certain  limitations,  they 
were  ftill  petitioning  the  king  of  England 
only  to  be  reftored  to  the  fame  footing  of 
privilege  claimed  by  his  other  fubje&s,  and 
wifhed  ardently  to  keep  the  way  open  to  a  re- 
union, confiftent  with  their  ideas  of  honor  and 
freedom. 

Thus  the  grand  council  of  the  union  were 
difpofed  to  wait  the  operations  of  time,  without 
hurrying  to  momentous  deciiions  that  might 
in  a  degree  have  fanctioned  feverities  in  the 
parent  ftate  that  would  have  Ihut  up  every  ave- 
nue to  reconciliation.  While  the  reprefenta- 
tives  of  all  the  provinces  had  thus  been  deliber- 
ating, the  individual  colonies  were  far  from  be- 
ing idle.  Provincial  congreffes  and  conven- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  15' 

tions  had  in  almoft  every  province  taken  place  CHAP.  v. 
of  the  old  forms  of  legiflation  and  government,  ~~ 
and  they  were  all  equally  induftrious  and  unit- 
ed in  the  fame  modes  to  combat  the  intrigues 
of  the  governmental  faftion,  which  equally  in- 
fefted  the  whole,  though  the  eaftern  borders  of 
the  continent  more  immediately  fuffered.  But 
their  inftitutions  in  infancy,  commerce  fufpend- 
ed,  and  their  property  feized  ;  threatened  by 
the  national  orators,  by  the  proud  chieftains  of 
military  departments,  and  by  the  Britifli  fleet 
and  army  daily  augmenting,  hoftilities  of  the 
moft  ferious  nature  lowered  on  all  fides  ;  the 
artillery  of  war  and  the  fire  of  rhetoric  feemed 
to  combine  for  the  deftru&ion  of  America. 

The  minds  of  the  people  at  this  period, 
though  not  difmayed,  were  generally  folemniz- 
ed,  in  expedation  of  events,  deciiive  both  to 
political  and  private  happinefs,  and  every  brow 
appeared  expreilive  of  ibber  anxiety.  The  peo- 
ple trembled  for  their  liberties,  the  merchant  for 
his  intereft,  the  tories  for  their  places,  the  whigs 
for  their  country,  and  the  virtuous  for  the  man- 
ners of  fociety. 

It  muft  be  allowed  that  the  genius  of  Amer- 
ica was  bold,  refolute  and  enterprifing ;  tena- 
cious of  the  rights  their  fathers  had  endured 
fuch  hardfliips  to  purchafe,  they  determined  to 
defend  to  the  laft  breath  the  invaluable  poffef- 
fion.  To  check  this  ardent  charaderiftic  it 


158  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

had,  previous  to  the  time  we  are  upon,  been 


confidered,  as  if  by  common  confent  among 
the  plantation  governors,  a  ftroke  of  policy  to 
deprefs  the  militia  of  the  country.  All  mili- 
tary difcipline  had  for  feveral  years  been  totally 
neglected  ;  thus  untrained  to  arms,  whenever 
there  had  been  an  occafional  call  in  aid  of  Brit- 
iih  operations  in  America,  the  militia  were 
confidered  as  a  ruftic  fet  of  auxiliaries,  and 
employed  not  only  in  the  leaft  honorable,  but 
the  moft  menial  fervices.  Though  this  indig- 
nity was  felt,  it  was  never  properly  refented  ; 
they  had  borne  the  burthen  of  fatigue  and  fu- 
bordination  without  much  complaint  :  but  the 
martial  fpirit  of  the  country  now  became  con- 
fpicuous,  and  the  inclination  of  the  youth  of 
every  clafs  was  univerfally  cheriflied,  and  mili- 
tary evolutions  were  the  interludes  that  moft 
delighted  even  children  in  the  intermiffion  of 
their  fedentary  exercifes  at  fchool. 

Among  the  manoeuvres  of  this  period  of  ex- 
pectation, a  certain  quota  of  hardy  youth  were 
drawn  from  the  train-bands  in  every  town,  who 
were  flyled  minute  men.  They  voluntarily  de- 
voted a  daily  portion  of  their  time  to  improve 
themfelves  in  the  military  art,  under  officers  of 
their  own  choice.  Thus  when  hoftilities  com- 
menced, every  diftricl  could  furnilh  a  number 
of  foldiers,  who  wanted  nothing  but  experience 
in  the  operations  of  war,  to  make  them  a  match 
for  any  troops  the  fovereign  of  Britain  could 
boaft. 


THE   AMERICAN   HE  VOLUTION.  159 

This  military  ardor  wore  an  unpleafant  af-  CHAP  v. 
peel:  in  the  eyes  of  adminiftration<  By  a  letter  "  ~ 
from  lord  Dartmouth  to  general  Gage,  foon 
after  he  was  appointed  governor  of  the  MafTa- 
chufetts,  it  appeared  that  a  project  for  difafm- 
ing  certain  provinces  was  ferioufly  contemplated 
in  the  cabinet.*  The  parliament  actually  pro- 
hibited the  exportation  of  arms,  ammunition 
and  military  ftores  to  any  part  of  America,  ex- 
cept for  their  own  fleets  and  armies  employed 
in  the  colonies  ;  and  the  king's  troops  were 
frequently  fent  out  in  fmall  parties  to  difmantle 
the  forts,  and  feize  the  powder  magazines  or 
other  military  ftores  wherever  they  could  be 
found.  The  people  throughout  the  colonies 
with  better  fuccefs,  took  limilar  meafures  to 
fecure  to  themfelves  whatever  warlike  ftores 
were  already  in  the  country.  Thus  a  kind  of 
predatory  ftruggle  almoft  univerfally  took  place ; 
every  appearance  of  hoftilities  was  difcoverable 
in  the  occafional  rencontres,  except  the  draw- 
ing of  blood,  which  was  for  a  time  fufpended  j 
delayed  on  one  fide  from  an  appreheniion  that 
they  were  not  quite  ripe  for  the  conflict ;  on 
the  other,  from  an  expectation  of  reinforce* 

*  General  Gage  in  his  reply  to  the  minifter  upon  the 
above  fuggeftion,  obferves,  "  Your  lordfhip's  idea  of 
"  difarming  certain  provinces,  would  doubtlefs  be  confift- 
"  ent  with  prudence  and  fafety  ;  but  it  neither  is,  nor  has 
"  been  practicable,  without  having  recourfe  to  farce  :  we 
"  mud  firft  become  matters  of  the  country." 


J60  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP  v.  ments  that  might  enfure  victory  on  the  eafieft 
terms  ;  and  perhaps  by  both,  from  the  recollec- 
tion of  former  connexion  and  attachment. 

A  difunion  of  the  colonies  had  long  been  zeal- 
oufly  wiihed  for,  and  vainly  attempted  by  ad- 
miniftration  ;  as  that  could  not  be  effected,  it 
was  deemed  a  wife  and  politic  meafure,  to  make 
an  example  of  one  they  judged  the  moil  refrac- 
tory. Thus  refentment  feemed  particularly 
levelled  at  the  Maffachufetts ;  confequently 
they  obliged  that  colony  firft  to  meafure  the 
fword  with  the  hardy  veterans  of  Britain. 

The  fpirited  proceedings  of  the  county  of 
Suffolk,  foon  after  the  arrival  of  governor 
Gage,  and  his  hafty  diffolution  of  the  general 
affembly,  in  fome  meafure  damped  the  expecta- 
tion of  the  miniftry,  who  had  flattered  them- 
felves  that  the  depreffion  and  ruin  of  the  Maf- 
fachufetts would  ftrike  terror  through  the 
other  provinces,  and  render  the  work  of  con- 
queftmore  eafy.  But  the  decifion  and  energy 
of  this  convention,  compofed  of  members  from 
the  principal  towns  in  the  county,  difcovered 
that  the  fpirit  of  Americans  at  that  time  was 
not  to  be  coerced  by  dragoons  ;  and  that  if  one 
colony,  under  the  immediate  frowns  of  govern- 
ment, with  an  army  in  their  capital,  were  thus 
bold  and  determined,  new  calculations  muft  be 
made  for  the  fubjugation  of  all. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  161 

The  convention  met  in  Suffolk,  at  once  unani-  CHAP.  v. 
rnoufly  renounced  the  authority  of  the  new  ^n 
legiilature,  and  engaged  to  bear  harmlefs  all 
officers  who  mould  refufe  to  act  under  it.  They 
pronounced  all  thofe,  who  had  accepted  feats  at 
the  board  of  council  by  mandamus,  the  incor- 
rigible enemies  of  their  country.  They  recom- 
mended to  the  people  to  perfect  themfelves  in 
the  art  of  war,  and  to  prepare  to  reiift  by  force 
of  arms,  every  hoftile  invafion.  They  refolved, 
that  if  any  perfon  mould  be  apprehended  for 
his  exertions  in  the  public  caufe,  reprifals  mould 
be  made,  by  feizing  and  holding  in  cuftody  the 
principal  officers  of  the  crown,  wherever  they 
could  be  found,  until  ample  juftice  mould  be 
done.  They  advifed  the  collectors  and  receiv- 
ers of  all  public  monies,  to  hold  it  in  their  hands, 
till  appropriations  mould  be  directed  by  autho- 
rity of  a  provincial  congrefs.  They  earneftly 
urged  an  immediate  choice  of  delegates  for  that 
purpofe,  and  recommended  their  convening  at 
Salem. 

Thefe  and  feveral  other  refolves  in  the  fame 
fcyle  and  manner,  were  confidered  by  govern- 
ment as  the  moft  overt  acts  of  treafon  that 
had  yet  taken  place ;  but  their  doings  were 
but  a  fpecimen  of  the  fpirit  which  actuated  the 
whole  province.  Every  town,  with  the  utmpft 
alacrity,  chofe  one  or  more  of  the  moft  refpecta- 
ble  gentlemen,  to  meet  in  provincial  congrefs, 

VOL.  i.  w 


162  1HE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OP 

HATVV.  agreeable  to  the  recommendation  on  the 
fifteenth  of  October,  one  thoufand  feven  hun- 
dred and  feventy-four.  They  were  requefted 
by  their  conftituents,  to  take  into  confideration 
the  diftreffed  ftate  of  the  country,  and  to  devife 
the  moil  practicable  meafures  to  extricate  the 
people  from  their  prefent  perplexed  fituation. 

In  the  mean  time,  to  preclude  the  appearance 
of  neceflity  for  fuch  a  convention,  governor 
Gage  iiTued  precepts,  fummoning  a  new  general 
aflembly  to  meet  at  Salem,  the  week  preceding 
the  time  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  the  con- 
vention. The  people  obeyed  the  order  of  the 
governor,  and  every  where  chofe  their  repre- 
fentatives  ;  but  they  all  chofe  the  fame  perfons 
they  had  recently  delegated  to  meet  in  conven- 
tion. Whether  the  governor  was  apprehenfive 
that  it  would  not  be  fafe  for  his  mandamus 
council  to  venture  out  of  the  capital,  or 
whether  confcious  that  it  would  not  be  a  con- 
ftitutional  aiTembly,  or  from  the  imbecility  of 
his  own  mind,  in  a  iituation  altogether  new  to 
him,  is  uncertain  ;  but  from  whatever  caufe  it 
arofe,  he  difcovered  his  embarraffment  by  a 
proclamation,  dated  the  day  before  he  was  to 
meet  them  at  Salem,  to  diffolve  the  new  houfe 
of  reprefentatives.  This  extraordinary  diffolu- 
tion  only  precipitated  the  pre-determination  of 
the  delegates  ;  they  had  taken  their  line  of 
conduct,  and  their  determinations  were  not 
eafily  fhaken. 


^^teJ^lr 

-THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  163 

The  council  chofen  by  the  houfe  on  the  day  CHAP  v. 
of  their  laft  election  had  alfo,  as  requefted,  re-  „_ 
paired  to  Salem.  The  defign  was,  to  proceed 
to  bufmefs  as  ufual,  without  any  notice  of  the 
annihilation  of  their  charter.  Their  determi- 
nation was,  if  the  governor  refufed  to  meet 
with  or  countenance  them,  to  confider  him  as 
abfent  from  the  province.  It  had  been  ufual 
under  the  old  charter,  when  the  governor's 
fignature  could  not  be  obtained,  by  reafon  of 
death  or  abfence,  that  by  the  names  of  fifteen 
counfellors  affixed  thereto,  all  the  acts  of 
affembly  were  equally  valid,  as  when  iigned  by 
the  governor.  But  by  the  extraordinary  con- 
duct of  the  chief  magiftrate,  the  general  affem- 
bly was  left  at  liberty  to  complete  meafures  in 
any  mode  or  form  that  appeared  moft  expe- 
dient ;  accordingly  they  adjourned  to  Concord, 
a  town  fituated  about  thirty  miles  from  Salem, 
and  there  profecuted  the  bufinefs  of  their  con- 
ftituents. 

As  it  was  not  yet  thought  prudent  to  affume 
all  the  powers  of  an  organized  government, 
they  chofe  a  prefident,  and  acled  as  a  provincial 
congrefs,  as  previoufly  propofed.  They  recom- 
mended to  the  militia  to  choofe  their  own 
officers,  and  fubmit  to  regular  difcipline  at 
leaft  thrice  a  week,  and  that  a  fourth  part-of 
them  mould  be  draughted,  and  hold  themfelves 
in  readinefs  to  march  at  a  moment's  warni- 

o 

to  any  part  of  the  province.      They  recc; 


164  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

mended  to  the  feveral  counties  to  adhere  to 
1-74  their  own  refolves,  and  to  keep  the  courts  of 
common  law  Ihut  till  fome  future  period,  when 
juftice  could  be  legally  adminiftered.  They  ap- 
pointed a  committee  of  fupplies  to  provide 
ammunition,  provifions,  and  warlike  ftores,  and 
to  depofite  them  in  fome  place  of  fafety,  ready 
for  ufe,  if  they  mould  be  obliged  to  take  up 
arms  in  defence  of  their  rights. 

This  bufinefs  required  talents  and  energy  to 
make  arrangements  for  exigencies,  new  and 
untried.  Fortunately  Elbridge  Gerry,  Efq.  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  this  commiffion,  who  exe- 
cuted it  with  his  ufual  punctuality  and  indefati- 
gable induflry.  This  gentleman  entered  from 
principle,  early  in  the  oppofition  to  Britifla  en- 
croachments, and  continued  one  of  the  moft 
uniform  republicans  to  the  end  of  the  conteft. 
He  was  the  next  year  chofen  a  delegate  to  the 
continental  congrefs.  Firm,  exacl,  perfpicuous, 
and  tenacious  of  public  and  private  honor, 
he  rendered  effential  fervice  to  the  union  for 
many  years  that  he  continued  a  member  of 
that  honorable  body.* 

*  Mr.  Gerry's  fervices  and  exertions  to  promote  the 
public  intereft  through  every  important  ftation  which  he 
filled,  from  this  period  until  he  was  appointed  to  negociate 
with  the  republic  of  France  in  the  year  one  thoufand  fe- 
ven  hundred  and  ninety-eight,  were  uniform.  There  his 
indefatigable  zeal,  his  penetration,  and  cool  perfeverance, 
when  every  tiling  appeared  on  the  eve  of  a  rupture  between 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  165 

The  provincial  congrefs  appointed  a  commit-  CHAP.  v. 
tee  of  fafety,  confifiing  of  nine  members,  and  „ 
vefted  them  with  powers  to  acl:  as  they  mould 
fee  fit  for  the  public  fervice,  in  the  recefs,  and  to 
call  them  together  again,  on  any  extraordinary 
emergence  ;  a«d  before  they  feparated,  they 
chofe  a  new  fet  of  delegates,  to  meet  in  general 
congrefs  the  enfuing  fpring.  After  this  they  held 
a  conference  with  the  committees  of  donation 
and  correfpondence,  and  the  feledhnen  of  the 
town  of  Bofton,  on  the  expediency  of  an  effort 
to  remove  the  inhabitants  from  a  town  block- 
aded on  all  fides.  They  then  feparated  for  a 
few  weeks,  to  exert  their  influence  in  aid  to  th$ 
refolutions  of  the  people  ;  to  ftrengthen  their 
fortitude,  and  prepare  them  for  the  approach^ 
ing  ftorm,  which  they  were  fenfible  could  be  at 
no  great  diftance. 

Though  the  inhabitants  of  Bofton  were  fliut 
up  in  garrifon,  infulted  by  the  troops,  and  in 
many  refpecls  felt  the  evils  of  a  fevere  military 
government ;  yet  the  difficulty  of  removing 
thoufands  from  their  refidence  in  the  capital,  to 
feek  an  afylum  in  the  country  on  the  eve  of 
winter,  appeared  fraught  with  inconveniencies 
too  great  to  be  attempted  ;  they  were  of  confe- 
quence,  the  moft  of  them  obliged  to  continue 

the  two  republics,  laid  the  foundation  and  formed  the  out- 
lines of  an  accommodation,  which  foon  after  terminated  in 
an  amicable  treaty  between  France  and  the  United  States 
of  America. 


166  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  v.        amidft  the  outrages  of  a  licentious  army,  and 
*  -      '       wait  patiently  the  events  of  the  enfuing  fpring. 

The  principal  inhabitants  of  the  town,  though 
more  immediately  under  the  eye  of  their  op- 
preffors,  loft  no  part  of  their  determined  fpirit, 
but  ftill  acted  in  unifon  with  their  friends  more 
at  liberty  without  the  city.  A  bold  inftance  of 
this  appeared,  when  Mr.  Oliver,  the  chief  juf- 
tice,  regardlefs  of  the  impeachment  that  lay 
againft  him,  attempted  with  his  affociates  to 
open  the  fuperior  court,  and  tranfatt  bufinefs 
according  to  the  new  regulations.  Advertife- 
ments  were  pofted  in  feveral  public  places,  for- 
bidding on  their  peril,  the  attornies  and  barrif- 
ters  at  law,  to  carry  any  caufe  up  to  the  bar. 
Both  the  grand  and  petit-jurors  refufed  attend- 
ance, and  finally  the  court  was  obliged  to  ad- 
journ without  day, 

Thefe  circumftances  greatly  alarmed  the  par* 
ty,  more  efpecially  thofe  natives  of  the  coun- 
try who  had  taken  fanchiary  under  the  ban- 
ners of  an  officer,  who  had  orders  to  enforce 
the  acts  of  admimftration,  even  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet.  Apprehenfive  they  might  be 
dragged  from  their  afylum  within  the  gates, 
they  were  continually  urging  general  Gage  to 
more  vigorous  meafures  without.  They  affur- 
ed  him,  that  it  would  be  eafy  for  him  to  exe- 
cute the  defigns  of  government,  provided  he 
would  by  law-martial  feize,  try,  or  tranfport 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  167 

to  England,  fuch  perfons  as   were  moft  partial-    CHAP.  v. 
larly  obnoxious ;    and  that  if  the  people  once 
faw  him  thus  determined,  they  would  facrifice 
their  leaders  and  fubmit  quietly. 

Theyaffociatedjand  bound  themfelves  by  cov- 
enant, to  go  all  lengths  in  fupport  of  the  proj- 
ects of  adminiftration  againft  their  country ; 
but  the  general,  allured  of  reinforcements  in 
the  fpring,  fufficient  to  enable  him  to  open  a 
bloody  campaign,  and  not  remarkable  for  ref- 
olution  or  activity,  had  not  the  courage,  and 
perhaps  not  the  inclination,  to  try  the  dan- 
gerous experiment,  till  he  felt  himfelf  ftrong- 
er.  He  was  alfo  fenfible  of  the  ftriking  iimi- 
larity  of  genius,  manners,  and  conduct  of  the 
colonies  in  union.  It  was  obfervable  to  every 
one,  that  local  prejudices,  either  in  religion 
or  government,  taile  or  politics,  were  fuf- 
pended,  and  that  every  diftinction  was  funk, 
in  the  coniideration  of  the  neceffity  of  con- 
nexion and  vigor  in  one  general  fyftem  of 
defence.  He  therefore  proceeded  no  far- 
ther, during  the  winter,  than  publifhing  proc- 
lamations againft  congreiTes,  committees,  and 
conventions,  ftyling  all  aflbciations  of  the  kind 
unlawful  and  treafonable  combinations,  and 
forbidding  all  perfons  to  pay  the  4malleft  re- 
gard to  their  recommendations,  on  penalty  of 
his  majefty's  fevereft  difpleafure. 


168  T HE  RISE  AND'  PROGRESS  o£ 

Thefe  feeble  exertions  only  confirmed  th<* 
people  in  their  adherence  to  the  modes  point- 
ed out  by  thofe,  to  whom  they  had  intrufted 
the  fafety  of  the  commonwealth.  The  only 
a&ive  movement  of  the  feafon  was  that  of  a 
party  commanded  by  colonel  Leflie,  who  de-^ 
parted  from  Caftle  William  on  the  evening  of 
Saturday,  February  twenty-feventh,  one  thou- 
fand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-five,  on  a  fe- 
cret  expedition  to  Salem.  The  defign  was 
principally  to  feize  a  few  cannon  on  the  enfu- 
ing  morning.  The  people  apprized  of  his  ap- 
proach, drew  up  a  bridge  over  which  his 
troops  were  to  pafs.  Leflie,  finding  his  paffage 
would  be  difputed,  and  having  no  orders  to 
proceed  to  blows,  after  much  expoftulation 
engaged,  that  if  he  might  be  permitted  to  go 
on  the  ground,  he  would  moleft  neither  public 
nor  private  property.  The  bridge  was  imme- 
diately let  down,  and  through  a  line  of  armed 
inhabitants,  ready  to  take  vengeance  on  a  for- 
feiture of  his  word,  he  only  marched  to  the 
extreme  part  of  the  town,  and  then  returned 
to  Bofion,  to  the  mortification  of  himfelf  and 
of  his  friends,  that  an  officer  of  colonel  Leflie's 
acknowledged  bravery  Ihould  be  fent  out  on 
fo  frivolous  an  errand. 

This  incident  clifcovered  the  determination 
of  the  Americans,  carefully  to  avoid  every 
thing  that  had  the  appearance  of  beginning 
hoftiiities  on  their  part ;  an  imputation  that 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION*  169 

might  have  been  attended  with  great  incon-  CHAP- v 
venience ;  nor  indeed  were  they  prepared  to  1775. 
precipitate  a  conflict,  the  confequences  and 
the  termination  of  which  no  human  calcula- 
tion could  reach.  This  manoeuvre  alfo  dif- 
covered  that  the  people  of  the  country  were 
not  deficient  in  point  of  courage,  but  that 
they  flood  charged  for  a  reliftance,  that  might 
fmite  the  fceptred  hand,  whenever  it  mould 
be  ftretched  forth  to  arreft  by  force  the  inher- 
itance purchafed  by  the  blood  of  anceftor*, 
whofe  felf-denying  virtues  had  rivalled  the  ad- 
mired heroes  of  antiquity. 


.  i. 


170  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Parliamentary  Divifions  on  American  Affairs — curfory  Ob- 
fervations  and  Events, — Meafures  for  raifmg  an  Army  of 
Obfervation  by  the  four  New  England  Governments  of 
New  Hampfnire,  MafTachufetts,  Rhode  Ifland,  and  Con- 
necticut.— Battle  of  Lexington. — Sketches  of  the  Con- 
duel  and  Characters  of  the  Governors  of  the  fouthem 
Provinces. — Ticonderoga  taken.— Arrival  of  Reinforce- 
ments from  England. — Profcription  and  Characters  of 
Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock,  Efquires. — Battle  of 
Bunker-Hill. — Death  and  Character  of  General  Jofeph 
Warren. — Maflachufetts  adopt  a  ftable  Form  of  Govern- 
ment. 

ctirAy  rc  .  Vv  E  have  feen  feveral  years  pafs  off  in  doubt- 
1775.  fal  anxiety,  in  repreffion  and  repulfion,  while 
many  yet  indulged  the  pleaiing  hope,  that  fome 
able  genius  might  arife,  that  would  devife  mea- 
fures  to  heal  the  breach,  to  revive  the  languifh- 
ing  commerce  of  both  countries,  and  reftore  the 
bleffings  of  peace,  by  removing  the  caufes  of 
complaint.  But  thefe  hopes  evanifhed,  and 
all  expectations  of  that  kind  were  foon  cut  off, 
by  the  determined  fyftem  of  coercion  in  Britain, 
and  the  actual  commencement  of  war  in  Ame- 
rica, 

The  earlieft  accounts  from  England,  after  the 
beginning  of  the  year  one  thoufand  feven  hun- 
dred and  feventy-five,  announced  the  ferments 
of  the  Britifh  nation,  principally  on  account  of 
American  meafures,  the  perfeverance  of  the 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  1?I 


miniftry,  and  the  obftinacy  of  the  king,  in  flip- 
port  of  the  fyftem  ;  —  the  fudden  diffolution  of 
one  parliament,  and  the  immediate  eleftion  of 
another,  compofed  of  the  fame  members,  or 
men  of  the  fame  principles  as  the  former. 

Adminiftration  had  triumphed  through  the 
late  parliament  over  reafon,  juftice,  the  human- 
ity of  individuals,  and  the  intereft  of  the  nation. 
Notwithftanding  the  noble  and  fpirited  oppo- 
fition  of  feveral  diftinguiihed  characters  in  both 
houfes,  it  foon  appeared  that  the  influence  of 
the  miniftry  over  the  old  parliament  was  not 
depreciated,  or  that  more  lenient  principles  per- 
vaded the  councils  of  the  new  one.  Nor  did 
more  judicious  and  favorable  decifions  lead  to 
the  profpeci  of  an  equitable  adjuftment  of  a,  dif- 
pute  that  had  interefted  the  feelings  of  the 
whole  empire,  and  excited  the  attention  of 
neighboring  nations,  not  as  an  object  of  curi- 
oiity,  but  with  views  and  expectations  that 
might  give  a  new  face  to  the  political  and  com- 
mercial fyftems  of  a  considerable  part  of  the 
European  world, 

The  petition  of  the  continental  congrefs  to 
the  king,  their  addrefs  to  the  people  of  England, 
with  general  Gage's  letters,  and  all  papers 
relative  to  America,  were  introduced  early  in 
the  feilion  of  the  new  parliament.  Warm 
debates  enfued,  and  the  caufe  of  the  colonies 
was  advocated  with  ability  and  energy  by  the 


172  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vi.  moft  admired  orators  among  the  commons, 
~T~"  and  by  feveral  very  illuftrious  names  in  the 
houfe  of  lords.  They  defcanted  largely  on 
the  injuftice  and  impolicy  of  the  prefent  fyf- 
tem,  and  the  impracticability  of  its  execution. 
They  urged  that  the  immediate  repeal  of  the 
revenue  acts,  the  recal  of  the  troops,  and 
the  opening  the  port  of  Bofton,  were  necef- 
fary,  preliminary  fteps  to  any  hope  of  reconcil- 
iation ;  and  that  tliefe  meafures  only  would 
preferve  the  empire  from  confequences  that 
would  be  fatal  to  her  inter  efts,  as  well  as  dif- 
graceful  to  her  councils.  Bui,  pre-determined 
in  the  cabinet,  a  large  majority  in  parliament 
appeared  in  favor  of  flrong  meafures.  The 
minifterial  party  infilled  that  coercion  only 
could  enfure  obedience,  reftore  tranquillity  to 
the  colonies,  repair  the  infulted  dignity,  and 
re-eftabliih  the  fupremacy  of  parliament. 

An  act  \vas  immediately  paffed,  prohibiting 
New  Hampmire,MafTachufetts,  Rhode  Ifland,  and 
Connecticut  from  carrying  on  the  fiihingbufinefs 
on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland.  By  this  arbitrary 
ftep5thoufands  of  miferable  families  werefudden- 
ly  cut  off  from  all  means  of  fubiiftence.  But,  as 
if  determined  the  rigors  of  power  mould  know 
no  bounds,  before  parliament  had  time  to  cool, 
after  the  animoiities  occafioned  by  the  bill  juft 
mentioned,  another*  was  introduced  by  the 

*  Parliamentary  proceedings  in  one  thoufand  feven  hun- 
dred and  feventy-five. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  173 

minifter,  whereby  the  trade  of  the  fouthern  CHAP.  vi. 
colonies  was  reftrained,  and  in  future  confined  ~ 
entirely  to  Great  Britain.  The  minority  ftill  » 
perfevered  in  the  moft  decided  oppofition  both 
againft  the  former  and  the  prefent  modes  of 
feverity  towards  the  colonies.  Very  fenfible 
and  fpirited  protefts  were  entered  againft  the 
new  bills,  figned  by  fome  of  the  firft  ndbility. 
A  young  nobleman  of  high  rank  and  reputa- 
tion predicted,  that  "  rneafures  commenced  in 
"iniquity,  and  purfued  in  refentment,  muft 
"  end  in  blood,  and  involve  the  nation  in  im- 
"  mediate  civil  war."*  It  was  replied,  that  the 
colonies  were  already  in  a  ftate  of  rebellion  ; 
that  the  fupremacy  of  parliament  muft  not  even 
be  queftioned  ;  and  that  compulfory  meafures 
muft  be  purfued  from  abfolute  neceffity.  Nei- 
ther reafon  nor  argument,  humanity  or  policy, 
made  the  finalleft  impreflion  on  thofe  determin- 
ed to  fupport  all  clefpotic  proceedings.  Thus 
after  much  altercation,  a  majority  of  two  him- 
dred  and  eighty-two  appeared  in  favor  01 
augmenting  the  forces  in  America,  both  by  fea 
-and  land,  againft  only  feventy  in  the  houfe  of 
commons,  who  oppoied  the  meaiure. 

All  ideas  of  courage  or  ability  in  the  colonifts 
to  face  the  dragoons  and  refill  the  power  of 
Britain,  were  treated  v.ith  the  great  eft  derifion? 

*  Debates  in    ~  ,;t.  (;>ie   il,.-    •   .-  .  ^S-LM 

and  fever*.     •.     . 


174  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vi.  and  particularly  ridiculed  by  a  general  officer,* 
~  then  in  the  houfe,  who  foon  after  delivered  his 
ftandards,  and  faw  the  furrender  of  a  capital 
army  under  his  command,  to  thofe  undifci- 
plined  Americans  he  had  affe&ed  to  hold  in  fo 
much  contempt.  The  firft  lord  of  the  admiralty 
alfo  declared,  "  the  Americans  were  neither  dif- 
«  ciplined,  nor  capable  of  difcipline." 

Several  mips  of  the  line  and  a  number  of 
frigates  were  immediately  ordered  to  join  the 
fquadron  at  Bofton.  Ten  thoufand  men  were 
ordered  for  the  land  fervice,  in  addition  to 
thofe  already  there.  A  regiment  of  light-horfe, 
and  a  body  of  troops  from  Ireland,  to  complete 
the  number,  were  directed  to  embark  with  all 
poffible  difpatch  to  reinforce  general  Gage. 

The  fpeech  from  the  throne,  approving  the 
fanguinary  conduct  of  the  minifter  and  the 
parliament,  blafted  all  the  hopes  of  the  more 
moderate  and  humane  part  of  the  nation.  Sev- 
eral gallant  officers  of  the  firft  rank,  difgufted 
with  the  policy,  and  revolting  at  the  idea  of 
butchering  their  American  brethren,  reiigned 
their  commiffions.  The  earl  of  Effingham  was 
among  the  firft,  who,  with  a  franknefs  that  his 
enemies  ftyled  a  degree  of  infanity,  aflured  his 
majefty,  "  that  though  he  loved  the  profeffion 
"  of  a  foldier,  and  would  with  the  utmoft 

*  General  Burgoyne,  afterwards  captured  at  Saratoga., 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  175 

"  cheerfulnefs  facrifice  his  fortune  and  his  life    CHAP  vi. 

"  for  the  fafety  of  his  majefty's  perfon,  and  the    ~~~ 

"  dignity  of  his  crown  ;    yet  the  fame  princi- 

"  pies  which  infpired  him  with  thofe  unalter- 

"  able  fentiments  of  duty  and  affection,  would 

"  not  fuffer  him  to  be  inftrumental  in  depriv- 

"  ing  any  part  of  the  people  of  their  liberties, 

"  which  to  him  appeared  the  beft  fecurity  of 

"  their  fidelity  and  obedience  ;  therefore  with- 

"  out  the  fevereft  reproaches  of  confcience  he 

"  could  not  confent  to  bear  arms  againft  the 

"  Americans." 

But  there  is  no  age  which  bears  a  teftimony 
fo  honorable  to  human  nature  ;  as  mews  man- 
kind at  fo  fublime  a  pitch  of  virtue,  that  there 
are  not  always  enough  to  be  found  ready  to  aid 
the  arm  of  the  oppreffor,  provided  they  may 
fhare  in  the  fpoils  of  the  oppvefied.  Thus 
many  officers  of  ability  and  experience  courted 
the  American  fervice  as  the  readieft  road  to 
preferment. 

Adminiftration  not  fatisfied  with  their  own 
fevere  reftriclions,  fet  on  foot  a  treaty  with 
the  Dutch  and  feveral  other  nations,  to  prevent 
their  aiding  the  colonies  by  fupplying  them 
with  any  kind  of  warlike  ftores.  Every  thing 
within  and  without  wore  the  moft  hoftile  ap- 
pearance, even  while  the  commercial  intereft  of 
Great  Britain  was  clofely  interwoven  with  that 
of  America  ;  and  the  treafures  of  the  colonies, 


176  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vi.       which  had  been  continually  pouring  into  the 
~~ lap  of  the  mother   country,   in  exchange  for 
her  manufactures,  were  ftill  held  ready  for  her 
ufe,  in  any  advance  to  harmony. 

The  boundaries  of  the  king  of  England's 
continental  domains  were  almoft  immeasurable, 
and  the  inhabitants  were  governed  by  a  ftrong 
predilection  in  favor  of  the  nation  from  whom 
they  derived  their  origin  :  hence  it  is  difficult 
to  account  on  any  principles  of  human  policy, 
for  the  infatuation  that  inftigated  to  the  abfurd 
project  of  conquering  a  country,  already  their *s 
on  the  moil  advantageous  terms.  But  the 
feeds  of  feparation  were  fown,  and  the  ball  of 
empire  rolled  weftward  with  fuch  aftoniflring 
rapidity,  that  the  pious  mind  is  naturally  ex- 
cited to  acknowledge  a  fuperintending  Provi- 
dence, that  led  to  the  period  of  independence, 
even  before  America  was  confcious  of  her  ma- 
turity. Precipitated  into  a  war,  dreadful  even 
in  contemplation,  humanity  recoiled  at  the 
idea  of  civil  feuds,  and  their  concomitant  evils. 

When  the  news  arrived  in  the  colonies  that 
the  Britifh  army  in  Bofton  was  to  be  reinforced, 
that  the  coercive  fyftem  was  at  all  hazards  to  be 
profecuted,  though  aftoniihed  at  the  perfevering 
feverity  of  a  nation  ftill  beloved  and  revered 
by  Americans,  deeply  affeded  with  the  calami- 
ties tlrit  threatened  the  whole  empire,  and 
{hocked  at  the  profped  of  the  convulfions  and 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  177 

the  cruelties  ever  attendant  on  civil  war,  yet 
few  balanced  on  the  part  they  were  to  act.  The 
alternative  held  up  was  a  bold  and  vigorous  re- 
iiftance,  or  an  abject  fubmiilion  to  the  ignoble 
terms  demanded  by  adminiftration.  Armed 
with  refolution  and  magnanimity,  united  by 
affection,  and  a  remarkable  conformity  of  opi- 
nion, the  whole  people  through  the  wide  ex- 
tended continent  feemed  determined  to  relift 
in  blood,  rather  than  become  the  Haves  of  ar- 
bitrary power. 

Happily  for  America,  the  inhabitants  in  gen- 
eral pofleffed  not  only  the  virtues  of  native 
courage  and  a  fpirit  of  enterprife,  but  minds 
generally  devoted  to  the  beft  affections.  Ma- 
ny of  them  retained  this  character  to  the  end 
of  the  conflict  by  the  dereliction  of  intereft, 
and  the  coftly  facrifices  of  health,  fortune  and 
life.  Perhaps  the  truth  of  the  obfervation,  that 
"  a  national  force  is  beft  formed  where  num- 
"  bers  of  men  are  ufed  to  equality,  and  where 
"  the  meaneft  citizen  may  confider  himfelf  def- 
"  tined  to  command  as  well  as  to  obey,"  was 
never  more  confpicuous,  than  in  the  brave  re- 
fiftance  of  Americans  to  the  potent  and  conquer- 
ing arm  of  Great  Britain,  who,  in  conjunction 
with  her  colonies,  had  long  taught  the  nations 
to  tremble  at  her  ftrength. 

But  the  painful  period  haflened  on,  when  the 
connexion  which  nature  and  intereft  had  long 

VOL.  I.  Y 


178  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vi.  maintained  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colo- 
'  j_7  nies,  muft  be  broken  off;  the  fword  drawn, 
and  the  fcabbard  thrown  down  the  gulf  of 
time.  We  muft  now  purfue  the  progrefs  of 
a  war  enkindled  by  avarice,  whetted  by  am- 
bition, and  blown  up  into  a  thirfl  for  revenge 
by  repeated  difappointment.  Not  the  fplen- 
dor  of  a  diadem,  the  purple  of  princes,  or  the 
pride  of  power,  can  ever  fanction  the  deeds  of 
cruelty  perpetrated  on  the  weftern  fide  of  the 
Atlantic,  and  not  unfrequently  by  men,  whofe 
crimes  emblazoned  by  title,  will  enhance  the 
infamy  of  their  injuftice  and  barbarifm,  when 
the  tragic  tale  is  faithfully  related. 

We  have  already  obferved  on  the  fupplica- 
tory  addreffes  every  where  offered  to  the  old 
government,  the  rebuffs  attending  them,  the 
obftru&ion  to  legal  debate,  and  the  beft  poffi- 
ble  regulations  made  by  the  colonies  in  their 
circumftances,  under  the  new  modes  eftablifli- 
cd  by  themfelves. 

The  authority  of  congreffes  and  committees 
of  correfpondence,  and  the  fpirit  which  per- 
vaded the  united  colonies  in  their  prepara- 
tions for  war,  during  the  laft  fix  months 
previous  to  the  commencement  of  hoftil- 
ities,  bore  fuch  a  refemblance,  that  the  detail 
of  the  tranfacdons  of  one  province  is  an  epit- 
ome of  the  ftory  of  all. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  179 


The  particular  refentment  of  Great  Britain 
levelled  at  the  Maflachufetts,  made  it  neceflary 
for  that  province  to  act  a  more  decided  part, 
that  they  might  be  in  fome  readinefs  to  repel 
the  ftorm  which  it  appeared  probable  would 
firft  burft  upon  them.  Their  provincial  con- 
grefs  was  fitting  when  the  news  firft  arrived, 
that  all  hope  of  reconciliation  was  precluded 
by  the  hoftile  refolutions  of  parliament.  This 
rather  quickened  than  retarded  the  important 
ftep,  which  was  then  the  fubjecl:  of  their  delib- 
erations. Perfuaded  that  the  unhappy  conteft 
could  not  terminate  without  bloodfhed,  they 
were  confulting  on  the  expediency  of  railing 
an  army  of  obfervation,  from  the  four  New 
England  governments,  that  they  might  be  pre- 
pared for  defence  in  cafe  of  an  attack,  before 
the  continental  congrefs  could  again  meet,  and 
make  proper  arrangements  for  farther  opera- 
tions. They  proceeded  to  name  their  own 
commanding  officers,  and  appointed  delegates 
to  confer  with  New  Hamplhire,  Connecticut, 
and  Rhode  Ifland,  on  the  proportion  of  men 
they  would  furnilh,  and  their  quota  of  expenfe 
for  the  equipment  of  fuch  an  armament. 

Connecticut  and  New  Hampfliire  readily  ac* 
ceded  to  the  propofal,  but  in  Rhode  Ifland  fev- 
eral  embarraffments  were  thrown  in  the  way, 
though  the  people  in  that  colony  were  in  gen- 
era!  as  ready  to  enter  warmly  into  meafures 
for  the  common  fafety  as  any  of  the  others  ; 


ISO  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

nor  had  they  lefs  reafon.     They  had  long  been 


exafperated  by  the  infolence  and  rapacity  of 
the  officers  of  a  part  of  the  navy  ftationed 
there  to  watch  their  trade.  Thefe  had,  with- 
out color  of  right,  frequently  robbed  New- 
port, and  plundered  the  adjacent  iflands. 
They  had  feized  the  little  fkiffs,  in  which  a 
number  of  poor  people  had  gained  a  fcanty 
fubfiftence  ;  and  infulted,  embarrafied  and 
abufed  the  inhabitants  in  various  ways  through 
the  preceding  year. 

It  is  the  nature  of  man,  when  he  def- 
pairs  of  legal  reparation  for  injuries  re- 
ceived, to  feek  fatisfadion  by  avenging  his 
own  wrongs.  Thus,  fome  time  before  this 
period,*  a  number  of  men  in  difguife,  had 
riotouily  aflembled,  and  fet  fire  to  a  {loop  of 
war  in  the  harbour.  When  they  had  thus 
difcovered  their  refentment  by  this  illegal 
proceeding,  they  difperfed  without  farther 
violence.  For  this  imputed  crime  the  whole 
colony  had  been  deemed  guilty,  and  inter- 
di&ed  as  acceffary.  A  court  of  inquiry  was 
appointed  by  his  majefty,  veiled  with  the 
power  of  feizing  any  perfon  on  fufpicion, 
confining  him  on  board  a  king's  fhip,  and  fend- 
ing him  to  England  for  trial.  But  fome  of  the 
gentlemen  named  for  this  inquifitorial  bufi- 
nefs,  had  not  the  temerity  to  execute  it  in  the 

*  See  Appendix,  Note  No.  XI.  governor  Hutchin- 
fon's  reprefentation  of  this  affair. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  181 

latitude  defigned ;  and  after  fitting  a  few  days,    CHAP.  vi. 
examining  a  few  perfons,  and  threatening  ma-        ^ 
ny,  they  adjourned  to  a  diftant  day. 

The  extraordinary  precedent  of  erecting  fuch 
a  court*  among  them  was  not  forgotten  ;  but 
there  was  a  confiderable  party  in  Newport, 
ftrongly  attached  to  the  royal  caufe.  Thefe, 
headed  by  their  governor,  Mr.  Wanton,  a  man 
of  weak  capacity,  and  little  political  knowledge, 
endeavoured  to  impede  all  meafures  of  oppoli- 
tion,  and  to  prevent  even  a  difcuflion  on  the 
propriety  of  railing  a  defenfive  army. 

The  news  of  an  aftion  at  Lexington  on  the 
nineteenth  of  April,  between  a  party  of  the 
king's  troops  and  fome  Americans  haftily  col- 
lected, reached  Providence  on  the  fame  even- 
ing, a  few  hours  after  the  gentlemen  entrufted 
with  the  miflion  for  conference  with  the  colony 
had  arrived  there ;  they  had  not  entered  on 
buiinefs,  having  been  in  town  but  an  hour  or 
two  before  this  intelligence  was  received  by  a 
fpecial  meflenger. 

On  this  important  information,  James  War- 
ren, Efq.  the  head  of  the  delegation,  was  of 

*  The  gentlemen  who  compofed  this  court,  were  Wan- 
ton, governor  of  Rhode  Ifland,  Horfemanden,  chief  juf- 
tice  of  New  York,  Smith,  chief  juftice  of  New  Jerfey, 
Oliver,  chief  juftice  of  Maflachufetts,  and  Auchmuty, 
judge  of  admiralty. 


182  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

«HAP.  vi.  opinion,  that  this  event  not  only  opened  new 
"""  T""  profpe&s  and  expectations,  but  that  it  entirely 
changed  the  object  of  negociation,  and  that 
new  ground  muft  be  taken.  Their  miffion  was 
by  the  Maffachufetts  deiigned  merely  as  a  de- 
feniive  movement^,  but  he  obferved  to  the  prin- 
cipal inhabitants  collected  to  confult  on  the 
alarming  afpecl:  of  prefent  affairs,  that  there 
now  appeared  a  neceffity,  not  only  for  defen- 
five  but  for  offeniive  operations  ;  he  urged  his 
reafons  with  fuch  ability  and  addrefs,  that  an 
immediate  convention  of  the  affembly  was  ob- 
tained. They  met  at  Providence  the  enfuing 
day,  where,  by  the  trifling  of  the  governor  and 
the  indifcretion  of  his  partizans,  the  bufinefs 
labored  in  the  upper  houfe  for  feveral  .days. 
But  the  reprefentative  branch,  impatient  of 
delay,  determined  to  ad  without  any  confider- 
ation  of  their  governor,  if  he  continued  thus 
to  impede  their  deiigns,  and  to  unite,  by  au- 
thority of  their  own  body,  in  vigorous  meafures 
with  their  iifter  colonies.  A  majority  of  the 
council  however,  at  lail  impelled  the  governor 
to  agree  to  the  determinations  of  the  lower 
houfe,  who  had  voted  a  number  of  men  to  be 
raifed  with  the  utmoil  difpatch  ;  accordingly  a 
large  detachment  was  fent  forward  to  the  Maf- 
fachufetts  within  three  days. 

When  the  gentlemen  left  congrefs  for  the 
purpofe  of  combining  and  organizing  an  army 
in  the  eaftern  ftates,  a  fhort  adjournment  was 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  185 


made.  Before  they  feparated  they  felefted  a 
{landing  committee  to  refide  at  Concord,  where 
a  provincial  magazine  was  kept,  and  vefted 
them  with  power  to  fummon  congrefs  to  meet 
again  at  a  moment's  warning,  if  any  extraordi- 
nary emergence  fliould  arife. 

In  the  courfe  of  the  preceding  winter,  a 
iingle  regiment  at  a  time  had  frequently  made 
excurfions  from  the  army  at  Bofton,  and  recon- 
noitred the  environs  of  the  town  without  com- 
mitting any  hoftilities  in  the  country,  except 
picking  up  cannon,  powder,  and  warlike  ftores, 
wherever  they  could  find  and  feize  them  with 
impunity.  In  the  fpring,  as  they  daily  expedfc- 
ed  frefh  auxiliaries,  they  grew  more  infolent  ; 
from  their  deportment,  there  was  the  higheft 
reafon  to  expedl  they  would  extend  their  re- 
fearches,  and  endeavour  to  feize  and  fecure,  as 
they  termed  them,  the  faflious  leaders  of  re- 
bellion. Yet  this  was  attempted  rather  fooner 
than  was  generally  expected. 

On  the  evening  of  the  eighteenth  of  April, 
the  grenadiers  and  light  infantry  of  the  army 
ftationed  at  Bofton,  embarked  under  the  com- 
mand of  lieutenant  colonel  Smith,  and  were 
ordered  to  land  at  Cambridge  before  the  dawn 
of  the  enfuing  day.  This  order  was  executed 
with  fuch  fecrecy  and  difpatch,  that  the  troops 
reached  Lexington,  a  fmall  village  nine  miles 
beyond  Cambridge,  and  began  the  tragedy  of 
the  day  juft  as  the  fun  rofe. 


184  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

€HAp.  vi.  An  advanced  guard  of  officers  had  been  fent 

Out  by  land,  to  feize  and  fecure  all  travellers 

• 

who  might  be  fufpected  as  going  forward  with 
intelligence  of  the  hoftile  afpecb  of  the  king's 
troops.  But  notwithstanding  this  vigilance  to 
prevent  notice,  a  report  reached  the  neighbor- 
ing towns  very  early,  that  a  large  body  of 
troops,  accompanied  by  fome  of  the  moft  vir- 
ulent individuals  among  the  tones  ^  who  had 
taken  refuge  in  Bofton,  were  moving  with  de- 
fign  to  deftroy  the  provincial  magazine  at  Con- 
cord, and  take  into  cuftody  the  principal  per- 
fons  belonging  to  the  committee  of  fafety. 
Few  fufpected  there  was  a  real  intention  to 
attack  the  defencelefs  peafants  of  Lexington,  or 
to  try  the  bravery  of  the  fur  rounding  villages. 
But  it  being  reduced  to  a  certainty,  that  a 
number  of  perfons  had,  the  evening  before,  in 
the  environs  of  Cambridge,  been  infulted,  abuf- 
ed,  and  ftripped,  by  officers  in  Britifh  uniform  ; 
and  that  a  coniiderable  armament  might  be 
immediately  expected  in  the  vicinity,  captain 
Parker,  who  commanded  a  company  of  militia, 
ordered  them  to  appear  at  beat  of  drum  on  the 
parade  at  Lexington,  on  the  nineteenth.  They 
accordingly  obeyed,  and  were  embodied  before 
funrife. 

Colonel  Smith,  who  commanded  about  eight 
hundred  men,  came  fuddenly  upon  them  within 
a  few  minutes  after,  and,  accofting  them  in 
language  very  unbecoming  an  officer  of  his 
rank,  he  ordered  them  to  lay  down  their  arms, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  185 

and  difperfe  immediately.  He  illiberally  brand-  CHAP.  vi. 
ed  them  with  the  epithets  of  rebel  and  traitor  ; 
and  before  the  little  party  had  time,  either  to 
relift  or  to  obey,  he,  with  wanton  precipitation, 
ordered  his  troops  to  fire.  Eight  men  were 
killed  on  the  fpot  :  and,  without  any  concern 
for  his  rafhnefs,  or  little  moleftation  from  the 
inhabitants.  Smith  proceeded  on  his  rout. 

By  the  time  he  reached  Concord,  and  had  de- 
ftroyed  a  part  of  the  {lores  depofited  there,  the 
country  contiguous  appeared  in  arms,  as  if  de- 
termined not  to  be  the  tame  fpectators  of  the 
outrages  committed  againft  the  perfons,  prop- 
erty, and  lives  of  their  fellow-citizens.  Two 
or  three  hundred  men  aflembled  under  the 
command  of  colonel  Barrett.  He  ordered  them 
to  begin  no  onfet  againft  the  troops  of  their 
fovereign,  till  farther  provocation ;  this  order 
was  punctually  obeyed.  Colonel  Smith  had  or- 
dered a  bridge  beyond  the  town  to  be  taken  up, 
to  prevent  the  people  on  the  other  fide  from 
coming  to  their  afiiftance.  Barrett  advanced 
to  take  pofleflion  before  the  party  reached  it, 
and  a  fmart  fkirmifh  enfued  ;  feveral  were  kill- 
ed, and  a  number  wounded  on  both  fides.  Not 
difmayed  or  daunted,  this  fmall  body  of  yeo- 
manry, armed  in  the  caufe  of  juftice,  andftrug- 
gling  for  every  thing  they  held  dear,  maintain- 
ed their  ftand  until  the  Britim  troops,  though 
far  fuperior  in  numbers,  and  in  all  the  advan- 

VOL.  I.  Z 


186  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS   OF 

CHAP.  vt       tages  of  military  {kill,  difcipline,  and  equipment, 
""T7T"     gave  ground  and  retreated,  without  half  execut- 
ing the  purpofe  defigned>  by  this  forced  march 
to  Concord. 

The  adjacent  villagers  collected,  and  prepared 
to  cut  off  their  retreat ;  but  a  difpatch  had  been 
fent  by  colonel  Smith  to  inform  general  Gage, 
that  the  country  was  arming,  and  his  troops  in 
danger.  A  battalion  under  the  command  of 
lord  Percy  was  fent  to  fuccour  him,  and  arrived 
in  time  to  fave  Smith's  corps.  A  fon  of  the 
duke  of  Northumberland,*  previous  to  this 
day's  work,  was  viewed  by  Americans  with  a 
favorable  eye  ;  though  more  from  a  partiality 
to  the  father,  than  from  any  remarkable  per- 
fonal  qualities  difcoverable  in  the  fon.  Lord 
Percy  came  up  with  the  routed  corps  near  the 
fields  of  Menotomy  ;  where  barbarities  were 
committed  by  the  king's  army,  which  might 
have  been  expected  only  from  a  tribe  of  fav- 
ages.  They  entered,  rifled,  plundered,  and 
burnt  feveral  houfes  ;  and  in  ibme  inftances, 
the  aged  and  infirm  fell  under  the  fword  of  the 
ruffian  ;  women,  with  their  new-born  infants, 
were  obliged  to  fly  naked,  to  efcape  the  fury  of 
the  flames  in  which  their  houfes  were  enwrap- 
ped. 

*  The  duke  of  Northumberland,  father  of  earl  Percy, 
had  been  uniformly  oppofed  to  tire  late  meafures  of  ad- 
miniRration,  in  their  American  fyftem. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  187 

The  footftcps  of  the  moft  remorfelefs  nations  CHAP.  vi. 
have  feldom  been  marked  with  more  rancorous 
and  ferocious  rage,  than  may  be  traced  in  the 
rranfacUons  of  this  day  ;  a  day  never  to  be  for- 
gotten by  Americans.  A  fcene  like  this  had 
never  before  been  exhibited  on  her  peaceful 
plains  ;  and  the  manner  in  which  it  was  exe- 
cuted, will  leave  an  indelible  ftain  on  a  nation, 
long  famed  for  their  courage,  humanity,  and 
honor.  But  they  appeared  at  this  period  fo 
loft  to  a  fenfe  of  dignity,  as  to  be  engaged  in  a 
caufe  that  required  perfidy  and  meannefs  to 
iupport  it.  Yet  the  impreffion  of  juftice  is  fo 
ftrongly  ftamped  on  the  bofom  of  man,  that 
when  confcious  the  fword  is  lifted  againft  the 
rights  of  equity,  it  often  difarms  the  firmeft 
heart,  and  unnerves  the  moft  valiant  arm,  when 
impelled  to  little  fubterfuges  and  private  cruel- 
ties to  execute  their  guilty  deiigns. 

The  affair  of  Lexington,  and  the  precipitant 
retreat  after  the  ravages  at  Menotomy,  are  tef- 
timonies  of  the  truth  of  this  obfervation.  For, 
notwithftanding  their  fuperiority  in  every  re- 
fpecr.,  feveral  regiments  of  the  beft  troops  in  the 
royal  army,  were  feen,  to  the  furprife  and  joy 
of  every  lover  of  his  country,  flying  before  the 
raw,  inexperienced  peafantry,  who  had  ran 
haftily  together  in  defence  of  their  lives  and 
liberties.  Had  the  militia  of  Salem  and  Mar- 
blehead  have  come  on,  as  it  was  thought  they 
might  have  done,  they  would  undoubtedly  have 


188  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vi.  prevented  this  routed,  difappointed  army,  from 
reaching  the  advantageous  poft  of  Charleftown. 
But  the  tardinefs  of  colonel  Pickering,  who 
commanded  the  Salem  regiment,  gave  them  an 
opportunity  to  make  good  their  retreat. 
Whether  Mr.  Pickering's*  delay  was  owing  to 
timidity,  or  to  a  predilection  in  favor  of  Britain, 
remains  uncertain  ;  however  it  was,  cenfure  at 
the  time  fell  very  heavily  on  his  character. 

Other  parts  of  the  country  were  in  motion  ; 
but  the  retreat  of  the  Britifh  army  was  fo  rapid, 
that  they  got  under  cover  of  their  own  fliips, 
and  many  of  them  made  their  efcape  into  Bof- 
ton.  Others,  too  much  exhaufted  by  a  ^quick 
march  and  unremitting  exercife,  without '* time 
for  refrefhment  from  funrife  to  funfet,  were 
unable,  both  from  wounds  and  fatigue,  to  crofs 
the  river.  Thefe  were  obliged  to  reft  the 
night,  nor  were  they  miftaken  in  the  confidence 
they  placed  in  the  hofpitality  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Charleftown  ;  this  they  reafonably  enough  ex- 
pefted,both  from  motives  of  companion  andfear. 

Intimidated  by  the  appearance  of  fuch  a  for- 
midable body  of  troops  within  their  town,  and 
touched  with  humanity  on  feeing  the  famifhed 
condition  of  the  king's  officers  and  foldiers,  fev- 
eral  otvhom,  from  their  wounds  and  their  fuf- 

*  Timothy  Pickering,  afterwards  fecretary  of  ftate  un- 
der the  prefidency  of  Mr.  Adams,  by  whom  he  was  dif- 
znifled  from  public  bufmefs. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  189 

ferings,  expired  before  the  next  morning  ;  the    CHAP  vi. 
people  every  where  opened  their  doors,  receiv-        T" 
ed  the  diftrefied  Britons,  dreffed  their  wounds, 
and  contributed  every  relief:  nothing  was  ne- 
glected that  could  affrft,  refrefli,  or  comfort  the 
defeated. 

The  victorious  party,  fenfible  they  could  gain 
little  advantage  by  a  farther  purfuit,  as  the 
Britim  were  within  reach  of  their  own  {hips, 
and  at  the  fame  time  under  the  protection  of 
the  town  of  Charleftown  ;  they  therefore  re- 
treated a  few  miles  to  take  care  of  their  own 
wounded  men,  and  to  refrefh  themfelves. 

The  action  at  Lexington,  detached  from  its 
confequences,  was  but  a  trivial  manoeuvre  when 
compared  with  the  records*of  war  and  flaugli- 
ter,  that  have  difgraced  the  page  of  hiftory 
through  all  generations  of  men  :  but  a  circum- 
ftantial  detail  of  lefler  events,  when  antecedent 
to  the  convuliions  of  empire,  and  national  revo- 
lution, are  not  only  excufable,  but  necefTary, 
The  provincials  loft  in  this  memorable  action, 
including  thofe  who  fell,  who  were  not  in  arms, 
upwards  of  fourfcore  perfons.  It  was  not  eafy 
to  afcertain  how  many  of  their  opponents  were 
loft,  as  they  endeavoured  by  all  poilible  means  to  \ 
conceal  the  number,  and  the  difgrace  of  the 
day.  By  the  beft  information,  it  was  judged, 
including  thofe  who  died  foon  after  of  wounds 
and  fatigue,  that  their  lofe  was  very  inucii  great- 


19O  *THE  RISE  AND  PROGRESS  OF 

CHAP.  vi.  er  than  that  of  the  Americans.  Thus  refent- 
-  ^  _  •-  ment  ftirnulated  by  recent  provocation,  the  col- 
onies,  under  all  the  difadvantages  of  an  infant 
country,  without  difcipline,  without  allies,  and 
without  refources,  except  what  they  derived 
from  their  own  valor  and  virtue,  were  compel- 
led to  refort  to  the  laft  appeal,  the  precarious 
deciiion  of  the  fword,  againft  the  mighty  power 
of  Britain, 

The  four  New  England  governments  now 
thought  proper  to  make  this  laft  appeal,  and  re- 
folved  to  ftand  or  fall  together.  It  wras  a  bold 
and  adventurous  enterprife  ;  but  confcious  of 
the  equal  privileges  beflowed  by  Heaven,  on  all 
its  intelligent  creatures  on  this  habitable  ball, 
they  did  not  heiitate  on  the  part  they  had  to 
act,  to  retain  them.  They  cheerfully  engaged, 
fure  of  the  fupport  of  the  other  colonies,  as  foon 
as  congrefs  mould  have  time  to  meet,  deliberate, 
and  refolve.  They  were  very  feniible,  the  mid- 
dle and  fouthern  colonies  were  generally  pre- 
paring themfelves,  with  equal  induftry  and 
ability,  for  a  deciiion  by  arms,  whenever  hoftil- 
ities  fhould  feriouily  commence  in  any  part  of 
the  continent. 

As  foon  as  intelligence  was  fpread  that  the 
iirft  blow  was  ftruck,  and  that  the  fhrill  clarion 
of  war  actually  refounded  in  the  capital  of  the 
eaftern  ftates,  the  whole  country  rofe  in  arms. 
Thoufands  collected  within  twenty-four  hours, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  191 

in  the  vicinity  of  Bofton  ;  and  the  colonies  of   CKAP.  vi. 
Connecticut,  Rhode  Ifland,  and  New  Hamplhire  ^ 

feemed  all  to  be  in  motion.  Such  was  the  re- 
f  entment  of  the  people,  and  the  ardor  of  enter- 
prife,  that  it  was  with  difficulty  they  were  re- 
ftrained  from  ruming  into  Bofton,  and  rafhly 
involving  their  friends  in  common  with  their 
enemies,  in  all  the  calamities  of  a  town  taken 
by  ftorm. 

The  day  after  the  battle  of  Lexington,  the 
congrefs  of  Mafiachufetts  met  at  Watertown. 
They  immediately  determined  on  the  number 
of  men  neceflary  to  be  kept  on  the  ground,  ap- 
pointed and  made  eftablimments  for  the  officers 
of  each  regiment,  agreed  on  regulations  for  all 
military  movements,  and  ftruck  off  a  currency 
of  paper  for  the  payment  of  the  foldiers,  mak- 
ing the  bills  a  tender  for  the  payment  of  debts, 
to  prevent  depreciation.  They  drew  up  a  fet 
of  judicious  rules  and  orders  for  the  army,  to 
be  obferved  by  both  officers  and  foldiers,  until 
they  mould  be  embodied  on  a  larger  fcale,  un- 
der the  general  direction  of  the  continental  con- 
grefs. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  confternation  of  gene- 
ral Gage  was  equalled  by  nothing  but  the  rage 
of  his  troops,  and  the  difmay  of  the  refugees  un- 
der his  protection.  He  had  known  little  of  the 
country,  and  lefs  of  the  difpofition  and  bravery 
of  its  inhabitants.  He  had  formed  his  opinions 
entirely  on  the  mifreprefentations  of  men,  who, 


192  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    O? 

CHAP.  vi.  judging  from  their  own  feelings  more  than 
from  the  general  conduct  of  mankind,  had 
themfelves  no  idea  that  the  valor  of  their  coun- 
trymen could  be  roufed  to  hazard  life  and  prop- 
erty for  the  fake  of  the  common  weal.  Struck 
with  aftonimment  at  the  intrepidity  of  a  people 
he  had  been  led  to  defpife,  and  ftung  with  vex- 
ation at  the  defeat  of  fome  of  his  beft  troops,  he 
ordered  the  gates  of  the  town  to  be  fhut,  and 
every  avenue  guarded,  to  prevent  the  inhabit- 
ants, whom  he  now  conlidered  as  his  beft  fecu- 
rity,  from  making  their  efcape  into  the  country. 
He  had  before  caufed  entrenchments  to  be 
thrown  up  acrofs  a  narrow  ifthmus,  then  the 
only  entrance  by  land  :  ftill  apprehenfive  of  an 
attempt  to  ftorm  the  town,  he  now  ordered  the 
environs  fortified ;  and  foon  made  an  entrance 
impracticable,  but  at  too  great  an  expenfe  of 
blood. 

The  Boftonians  thus  unexpectedly  made  pri- 
foners,  and  all  intercourfe  with  the  country, 
from  whence  they  ufually  received  their  daily 
fupplies,  cut  off;  famine  ftared  them  in  the 
face  on  one  fide,  and  on  the  other  they  beheld 
the  lawlefs  rapine  of  an  enraged  enemy,  with 
the  fword  of  vengeance  ftretched  over  their 
heads.  Yet,  with  a  firmnefs  worthy  of  more 
generous  treatment,  the  principal  citizens  aflem- 
bled,  and  after  confultation,  determined  on  a 
bold  and  free  remonftrance  to  their  military 
governor.  They  reminded  him  of  his  repeated 


TitE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  193 

aflurances  of  perfonal  liberty,  fafety,-  and  pro-    CHAP.  vi. 
teclion,  if  they  would  not  evacuate  the  town,  ~K 

as  they  had  long  been  folicited  to  do  by  their 
friends  in  the  country.  Had  this  been  feafona- 
bly  done,  the  Americans  would  have  reduced 
the  garrifon  by  withholding  provifions.  The  in- 
habitants of  the  town  now  earneftly  requefled, 
that  the  gates  might  be  opened,  that  none  who 
chofe  to  retire  with  their  wives,  families,  and 
property,  might  be  impeded. 

Whether  moved  by  feelings  of  companion, 
of  which  he  did  not  feem  to  be  wholly  deflitute, 
or  whether  it  was  a  premeditated  deception, 
yet  remains  uncertain  ;  however,  general  Gage 
plighted  his  faith  in  the  flrongefl  terms,  that  if 
the  inhabitants  would  deliver  up  their  arms, 
and  fuffer  them  to  be  depofited  in  the  city  hall, 
they  mould  depart  at  pleafure,  and  be  afiifted 
by  the  king's  troops  in  removing  their  proper- 
ty. His  mameful  violation  of  faith  in  this  inr 
fiance,  will  leave  a  {lain  on  the  memory  of  the 
governor,  fo  long  as  the  obligations  of  truth 
are  held  facred  among  mankind. 

The  infulted  people  of  Boflon,  after  perform- 
ing the  hard  conditions  of  the  contract,  were 
not  permitted  to  depart,  until  after  feveral 
months  of  anxiety  had  elapfed,  when  the  fcarcity 
and  badnefs  of  provifions  had  brought  on  a  pef- 
tilential  diforder,  both  among  the  inhabitants 
VOL.  i.  2....A  - 


194-  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS   O£ 

CHAP.  vi.  and  the  foldiers.  Thus,  from  a  reluctance  16 
dip  their  hands  in  human  blood,  and  from  the 
dread  of  infult  to  which  their  feebler  connexions 
were  expofed,  this  unfortunate  town,  which 
contained  near  twenty  thoufand  inhabitants, 
was  betrayed  into  a  difgraceful  relignation  of 
their  arms,  which  the  natural  love  of  liberty 
mould  have  infpired  them  to  have  held  for  their 
own  defence,  while  fubjected  to  the  caprice  of 
an  arbitrary  matter.  After  their  arms  were 
delivered  up  and  fecured,  general  Gage  denied 
the  contract,  and  forbade  their  retreat ;  though 
afterwards  obliged  to  a  partial  compliance,  by 
the  difficulty  of  obtaining  food  for  the  fubfift- 
ence  of  his  own  army.  On  certain  ftipulated 
gratuities  to  fome  of  his  officers,  a  permit  was 
granted  them,  to  leave  their  elegant  houfes, 
their  furniture,  and  goods,  and  to  depart  naked 
from  the  capital,  to  feek  an  afylum  and  fupport 
from  the  hofpitality  of  their  friends  in  the  coun- 
try. 

The  iilands  within  the  harbour  of  Boflon 
were  fo  plentifully  flocked  with  fheep,  cattlep 
and  poultry,  that  they  would  have  afforded  an 
ample  fupply  to  the  Britifh  army  for  a  long 
time,  had  they  been  fuffered  quietly  to  poffefs 
them.  General  Putnam,  an  officer  of  courage 
and  experience,  defeated  this  expectation  by 
taking  off  every  thing  from  one  of  the  princi- 
pal iflands,  under  the  fire  of  the  Britifli  fliips ; 
at  the  fame  time,  he  was  fo  fortunate  as  to  burn 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  195 

feveral  of  their  tenders,  without  lofing  a  man.*    CHAP.  vr. 
His  example  was  followed  :  and  from  Chelfea  T' 

1 77.5 

to  Point  Alderton,  the  iflands  were  ftripped  of 
wheat  and  other  grain,  of  cattle  and  forage  ; 
and  whatever  they  could  not  carry  off,  the 
Americans  deftroyed  by  fire.  They  burnt  the 
light-houfe  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbour,  and 
the  buildings  on  all  the  iflands,  to  prevent  the 
Britim  availing  themfelves  of  fuch  convenient 
appendages  for  encampments  fo  near  the  town. 

While  thefe  tranfaclions  were  paffing  in  the 
eaftern  provinces,  the  other  colonies  were  equal- 
ly animated  by  the  fpirit  of  refiftance,  and  equal- 
ly bufy  in  preparation.  Their  public  bodies 
were  undifmayed  ;  their  temper,  their  conduct, 
and  their  operations,  both  in  the  civil  and  mili- 
tary line,  were  a  fair  and  uniform  tranfcript  of 
the  conduct  of  the  MaiTachufetts  ;  and  fome  of 
them  equally  experienced  thus  early,  the  rigor- 
ous proceedings  of  their  unrelenting  governors, 

New  York  was  alarmed  foon  after  the  com* 
mencement  of  hoftilities  near  Bofton,  by  a  ru- 
mor, that  a  part  of  the  armament  expected  from 
Great  Britain,  was  to  be  ftationed  there  to  awe 
the  country,  and  for  the  protection  of  the  nu-p 
merous  loyalifts  in  the  city.  In  fome  inftancas, 

*  General  Putnam  was  an  old  American  officer  of  dif- 
tinguifhed  bravery,  plain  manners,  and  fober  habits  ;  nou- 
riihed  in  agricultural  life,  and  thole  fimple  principles,  that 
excite  the  virtuous  to  duty,  in  every  department. 


196  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP. vi.  the  province  of  New  York  had  not  yet  fully 
.„_..  acceded  to  the  doings  of  the  general  congrefs  ; 
but  they  now  applied  to  them  for  advice,  and 
{hewed  themfelves  equally  ready  to  renounce 
their  allegiance  to  the  king  of  Great  Britain, 
and  to  unite  in  the  common  caufe  in  all  re- 
fpecls,  as  any  of  the  other  colonies.  Agreeable 
to  the  recommendation  of  congrefs,  they  fent 
off  their  women,  children,  and  effects,  and  or- 
dered a  number  of  men  to  be  embodied,  and 
hold  themfelves  in  readinefs  for  immediate  fer* 
vice. 

Tryon  was  the  laft  governor  who  prefided  at 
New  York  under  the  crown  of  England.  This 
gentleman  had  formerly  been  governor  of 
North  Carolina,  where  his  feverities  had  ren- 
dered him  very  obnoxious.  It  is  true,  this  dif- 
pofition  was  principally  exercifed  towards  a  fet 
of  diforderly,  ignorant  people,  who  had  felt 
themfelves  oppreffed,  had  embodied,  and  ftyling 
themfelves  regulators,  oppofed  the  authority  of 
the  laws.  After  they  had  been  fubdued,  and 
ieveral  of  the  ringleaders  executed,  governor 
Tryon  returned  to  England,  but  was  again  fent 
out  as  governor  of  the  province  of  New  York. 
He  was  received  with  cordiality,  treated  with 
great  refpecb,  and  was  for  a  time  much  efleem- 
ed,  by  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city,  and 
the  neighbouring  country.  Very  foon  after  the 
fonteft  became  warm  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  inhabitants  of  America,  he.  like  all  the 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION,  .  1Q7 


.*•       CHAP.  VI. 


other  governors  in  the  American  colonies,  tena 
cious  of  fupporting   the  prerogatives  of  the 
crown,  laid  afide  that  fpirit  of  lenity  he  had  pre- 
vioufly  affected  to  feel. 

Governor  Tryon  entered  with  great  zeal  into 
all  the  meafures  of  adminiftration  ;  and  endeav- 
oured with  art,  influence,  and  intrigue,  of 
which  he  was  perfectly  m after,  to  induce  the  city 
of  New  York,  and  the  inhabitants  under  his 
government,  to  fubmit  quietly,  and  to  decline 
a  union  of  opinion  and  action  with  the  other 
colonies,  in  their  oppofition  to  the  new  regula- 
tions of  the  Britifh  parliament.  But  he  foon 
found  he  could  not  avail  himfelf  fufficiently  of 
the  intereft  he  pofTeffed  among  fome  of  the  firft 
characters  in  the  city,  to  carry  the  point,  and 
fubdue  the  fpirit  of  liberty,  which  was  every 
day  appreciating  in  that  colony, 

On  the  determination  of  the  provincial  con* 
grefs  to  arreft  the  crown  officers,  and  difarm 
the  perfons  of  thofe  who  were  denominated  to- 
rics,  governor  Tryon  began  to  be  apprehenfive 
for  his  own  fafety.  The  congrefs  of  New  York 
had  refolved,  "  that  it  be  recommended  to  the 
"  feveral  provincial  aflemblies,  or  conventions, 
"  and  councils,  or  committees  of  fafety,  to  arreft 
"  and  f ecure  every  peribn  in  their  refpcclive  col- 
"  onies,  whofe  going  at  large  may,  in  their  opin- 
"  ion,  endanger  the  fafety  of  the  colony,  or  the 
^  liberties  of  America." 


198  THE    RISE   AND   PROGRESS   OF 

CHAP.  vr.  Though  governor  Tryon  was  not  particularly 
'  JY75  named,  he  apprehended  himfelf  a  principal  per- 
fon  pointed  at  in  this  refolve.  This  awakened 
his  fears  to  fuch  a  degree,  that  he  left  the  feat 
of  government,  and  went  on  board  the  Halifax 
packet ;  from  whence  he  wrote  the  mayor  of 
the  city,  that  he  was  there  ready  to  execute 
any  fuch  bufinefs,  as  the  circumftances  of  the 
times  would  permit.  But  the  indifference  as  to 
the  refidence,  or  even  the  conduct  of  a  planta* 
tion  governor,  was  now  become  fo  general 
among  the  inhabitants  of  America,  that  he  foon 
found  his  command  in  New  York  was  at  an 
end.  After  this  he  put  himfelf  at  the  head  of 
a  body  of  loyalifts,  and  annoyed  the  inhabitants 
of  New  York  and  New  Jerfey,  and  wherever 
elfe  he  could  penetrate,  with  the  affiftance  of 
fome  Britifh  troops  that  occaiionally  joined 
them, 

The  governors  of  the  fever al  colonies,  as  if 
hurried  by  a  confcioufnefs  of  their  own  guilt, 
flying  like  fugitives  to  fcreen  themfelves  from 
the  refentment  of  the  people,  on  board  the 
king's  mips,  appear  as  if  they  had  been  compet- 
ed of  iimilar  characters  to  thofe  defcribed  by  a 
writer  of  the  hiftory  of  fuch  as  were  appointed 
to  office  in  the  more  early  fettlement  of  the 
American  colonies.  He  faid,  u  it  unfortunately 
"  happened  for  our  American  provinces,  that  a 
cc  government  in  any  of  our  colonies  in  thofe 
"  parts,  was  fcarcely  looked  upon  in  -any  other 
<c  light  than  that  of  a  hofpital,  where  the  fa- 


THE   AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

**  vorites  of  the  miniflry  might  lie,  till  they  had 
"  recovered  their  broken  fortunes,  and  often- 
"  times  they  ferved  as  an  afylum  from  their 
"  creditors."* 

The  neighbouring  government  of  New  Jerfey 
was  for  fome  time  equally  embarrafled  with 
that  of  New  York.  They  felt  the  effeds  of  the 
impreffions  made  by  governor  Franklin,  in  fa- 
vor of  the  meafures  of  adminiilration  ;  but  not 
fo  generally  as  to  preclude  many  of  the  inhab- 
itants from  uniting  with  the  other  colonies,  in 
vigorous  fteps  to  preferve  their  civil  freedom. 
Governor  Franklin  had,  among  many  other  ex- 
preffions  which  difcovered  his  opinions,  obferv- 
ed  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  fecretary  Conway,  "  it 
"  gives  me  great  pleafure,  that  I  have  been  able 
"  through  all  the  late  difturbances,  to  preferve 
"  the  tranquillity  of  this  province,  notwith- 
"  Handing  the  endeavours  of  fome  to  ftimulate 
"  the  populace  to  fuch  a&s  as  have  difgraced 
"  the  colonies.'*  He  kept  up  this  tone  of  re- 
proach, until  he  alfo  was  deprived  by  the  peo- 
ple of  his  command  ;  and  New  Jerfey,  by  the 
authority  of  committees,  feized  all  the  money 
in  the  public  treafury,  and  appropriated  it  to 
the  pay  of  the  troops  railing  for  the  common 
defence.  They  took  every  other  prudent  mea- 
fure  in  their  power,  to  place  themfelves  in  read* 
inefs  for  the  critical  moment. 


*  Modern  Univerfal  Hiilory,  vol.  uxix.  p.  357. 


200  THE    RISE   AND   PROGRESS    OB1 

Pennfylvania,  though  immediately  under  the 
eye  of  congrefs,  had  fome  peculiar  difficulties  to 
flruggle  with,  from  a  proprietary  government, 
from  the  partizans  of  the  crown,  and  the  great 
body  of  the  quakers,  moft  of  them  opporfed  to 
the  American  caufe.  But  the  people  in  general 
were  guarded  and  vigilant,  and  far  from  ne- 
glecting the  moil  neceilary  fteps  for  general  de- 
fence. 

In  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  the  Carolinas, 
where  they  had  the  greateft  number  of  African 
Haves,  their  embarr ailments  were  accumulated, 
and  the  dangers  which  hung  over  them,  pecu- 
liarly aggravated.  From  their  long  habit  of 
filling  their  country  with  foreign  flaves,  they 
were  threatened  with  a  hoil  of  domeftic  ene- 
mies, from  which  the  other  colonies  had  noth- 
ing to  fear.  The  Virginians  had  been  difpofed 
in  general  to  treat  their  governor,  lord  Dun- 
more,  and  his  family,  with  every  mark  of  re- 
fpeft ;  and  had  not  his  intemperate  zeal  in. 
the  fervice  of  his  mafter  given  univerfal  dif- 
guft,  he  might  have  remained  longer  among 
them,  and  finally  have  left  them  in  a  much  lels 
difgraceful  manner. 

However  qualified  this  gentleman  might  have 
been  to  prefide  in  any  of  the  colonies,  in  more 
pacific  feafons,  he  was  little  calculated  for  the 
times,  when  ability  and  moderation,  energy  and 
condefcenfion,  coolnefs  in  decifion,  and  delicacy 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  2t>l 


in  execution,  were  highly  requifite  to  govern  a 
people    ftruggling  with  the  poniard  at  their        '     '" 
throat  and  the  fword  in  their  hand,  againft  the 
f>otent  invaders  of  their  privileges  and  claims. 

He  had  the  inhumanity  early  to  intimate  his 
defigns  if  oppoiition  ran  high,  to  declare  free- 
dom to  the  blacks,  and  on  any  appearance  of 
hoftile  refiftance  to  the  king's  authority,  to  arm 
them  againft  their  matters.  Neither  the  houfe 
of  burgefles,  nor  the  people  at  large,  were  dif- 
pofed  to  recede  from  their  determinations  in 
confequence  of  his  threats,  nor  to  fubmit  to  any 
authority  that  demanded  implicit  obedience,  on 
pain  of  devaftation  and  ruin.  Irritated  by  op- 
pofition,  too  ram  for  coniideration,  too  haughty 
for  condefceniion,  and  fond  of  diftinguifhing 
himfelf  in  fupport  of  the  parliamentary  fyftem, 
lord  Dunmore  difmantled  the  fort  in  Williamf- 
burg,  plundered  the  magazines,  threatened  to 
lay  the  city  in  afhes,  and  depopulate  the  coun- 
try :  As  far  as  he  was  able,  he  executed  his  ne- 
farious purpofes. 

When  his  lordfliip  found  the  refolution  of 
the  houfe  of  burgefles,  of  committees  and  con- 
ventions, was  no  where  to  be  fhaken,  he  imme- 
diately proclaimed  emancipation  to  the  blacks, 
and  put  arms  into  their  hands.  He  excited  dif- 
turbances  in  the  back  fettlements,  and  encou- 
raged the  natives  bordering  on  the  fouthern  CQ- 

VOL.  i.  2....B 


202  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vi.      lonies,  to  rum  from  the  wildernefs,  and  make 

" inroads  on  the  frontiers.     For  this  buiinefs,  he 

177  *> 

employed  as  his  agent  one  Connolly,  a  Scotch 

renegado,  who  travelled  from  Virginia  to  the 
Ohio,  and  from  the  Ohio  to  general  Gage  at 
Bofton,  with  an  account  of  his  fuccefs,  and  a  de- 
tail of  his  negociations.  From  general  Gage 
he  received  a  colonel's  commiffion,  and  was  by 
him  ordered  to  return  to  the  favages,  and  en- 
courage them,  with  the  aid  of  fome  Britim 
fettlers  on  the  river  Ohio,  to  penetrate  the 
back  country,  and  diftrefs  the  borders  of  Vir- 
ginia. But  fortunately,  Connolly  was  arrefted 
in  his  career,  and  with  his  accomplices  taken 
and  imprifoned  on  his  advance  through  Mary- 
land ;  his  papers  were  feized,  and  a  full  dif- 
clofure  of  the  cruel  deligns  of  his  employers 
fent  forward  to  congrefs. 

By  the  indifcreet  conduct  of  lord  Dunmore, 
the  ferments  in  Virginia  daily  increafed.  All 
refpect  towards  the  governor  was  loft,  and  his 
lady  terrified  by  continual  tumult  left  the 
palace,  and  took  fanchiary  on  board  one  of  the 
king's  mips.  After  much  altercation  and  dif- 
pute,  with  every  thing  irritating  on  the  one 
iide,  and  no  marks  of  fubmiilion  on  the  other, 
his  lordmip  left  his  feat,  and  with  his  family 
and  a  few  loyalifts  Retired  on  board  the  Fowey 
man  of  war,  where  his  lady  in  great  anxiety 
had  refided  many  days.*  There  he  found  fome 

*  Lady  Dunmore  foon  after  took  pafTage  for  England. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  203 

of  the  moft  criminal  of  his  partizans  had  refort.  CHAP.  vi. 
ed  before  he  quitted  the  government ;  with 
thefe  and  fome  banditti  that  had  taken  Shelter 
in  a  considerable  number  of  veflels  under  his 
lordfhip's  command,  and  the  ailiftance  of  a  few 
run-away  negroes,  he  carried  on  a  kind  of  pre- 
datory war  on  the  colony  for  feveral  months. 
The  burning  of  Norfolk,  the  beft  town  in  the 
territory  of  Virginia,  completed  his  difgraceful 
campaign.* 

The  administration  of  lord  William  Camp* 
bel,  and  Mr.  Martin,  the  governors  of  the  two 
Carolinas,  had  no  distinguished  trait  from  that 
of  moft  of  the  other  colonial  governors.  They 
held  up  the  fupreme  authority  of  parliament  in 
the  fame  high  flyle  of  dignity,  and  announced 
the  refentment  of  affronted  majefty,  and  the  fe- 
vere  punilhment  that  would  be  inflicted  on  con- 
grefles,  conventions  and  committees,  and  the 
miferable  Situation  to  which  the  people  of  Amer- 
ica would  be  reduced,  if  they  continued  to  ad- 
here to  the  faftioifs  demagogues  of  party.  With 
the  fame  fpirit  and  cruel  policy  that  inftigated 
lord  Dunmore,  they  carried  on  their  negocia- 
tions  with  the  Indians,  and  encouraged  the 
Snfurrections  of  the  negroes,  until  all  harmony 

*  -See  Appendix,  Note,  No.  XII.  relative  to  Virginia, 
It  has  been  afTerted  by  fome  that  the  inhabitants  them- 
felves  affifted  in  the  conflagration  of  Norfolk,  to  prevent 
lord  Dunmore's  retaining  it  as  a  place  of  arms. 


204-  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vi.  and  confidence  were  totally  deilroyed  between 
*  ~  themfelves  and  the  people,  who  fupported  their 
own  meafures  for  defence  in  the  higheft  tone 
of  freedom  and  independence.  Both  the  gov- 
ernors of  North  and  South  Carolina  foon  began 
to  be  apprehenfive  of  the  effects  of  public  re- 
fentment,  and  about  this  time  thought  it  necef- 
fary  for  their  own  fafety  to  repair  on  board  the 
king's  flups,  though  their  language  and  manners 
had  not  been  equally  ram  and  abufive  with  that 
of  the  governor  of  Virginia. 

Henry  Laurens,  Efq.  was  prefident  of  the 
provincial  congrefs  of  South  Carolina  at  this 
period  ;  whofe  uniform  virtue  and  indepen- 
dence of  ipirit,  we  mail  fee  confpicuouily  dif- 
played  hereafter  on  many  other  trying  occafions, 
It  was  not  long  after  the  prefent  period,  when 
he  wrote  to  a  friend  and  obferved,  that  "  he 
meant  to  finiih  his  peregrinations  in  this  world, 
by  a  journey  through  the  United  States  ;  then 
to  retire  and  learn  to  die."  But  he  had  this 
important  leffon  to  learn  in  the  ordeal  of  afflic- 
tion and  difappointment,  that  he  feverely  ex- 
perienced in  his  public  life  and  domeftic  for- 
rows,  which  he  bore  with  that  firmnefs  and 
equanimity,  which  ever  dignifies  great  and  good 
characters. 

Sir  Robert  Eden,  governor  of  Maryland,  a 
rnan  of  focial  manners,  jovial  temper,  and  hu- 
rnajie  difpoiition,  had  been  more  difpofed  to 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  205 

Jenity  and  forbearance,  than  any  of  the  great 
officers  in  the  American  department.  But  fo 
high  wrought  was  the  oppofition  to  Britilh 
authority,  and  the  jealoufies  entertained  of  all 
magiftrates  appointed  by  the  crown,  that  it  was 
not  long  after  the  departure  of  the  neighbouring 
governors,  before  he  was  ordered  by  congrefs 
to  quit  his  government,  and  repair  to  England. 
He  was  obliged  to  comply,  though  with  much 
reluctance.  He  had  been  in  danger  of  very 
rough  ufage  before  his  departure,  from  general 
Lee,  who  had  intercepted  a  confidential  letter 
from  lord  George  Germaine  to  governor  Eden. 
Lee  threatened  to  feize  and  confine  him,  but  by 
the  interference  of  the  committee  of  fafety,  and 
fome  military  officers  at  Annapolis,  the  order 
was  not  executed.  They  thought  it  wrong  to 
confider  him  as  refponfible  for  the  fentiments 
contained  in  the  letters  of  his  correfpondents  ; 
and  only  defired  Mr,  Eden  to  give  his  word  of 
honor,  that  he  would  not  leave  the  province 
before  the  meeting  of  a  general  congrefs  of  that 
ftate  ;  nor  did  they  fuffer  him  to  be  farther  mo- 
lefted.  He  was  permitted  quietly  to  take  leave 
of  his  friends  and  his  province,  after  he  had 
received  the  order  of  the  continental  congrefs 
for  his  departure  ;  and  in  hopes  of  returning  in 
more  tranquil  times,  he  left  his  property  behind 
him,  and  failed  for  England  in  the  fummer,  one 
thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-fix.* 

*  See  the  conduft  relative  to  fir  Robert  Eden,  and  the 
traniaftioiis  between  the  fouthern  governors  and  the  peo* 


206  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vr.  The  influence  of  fir  James  Wright  the  gov* 

77  crnor  of  Georgia,  prevented  that  ftate  from 
acceding  to  the  meafure  of  a  general  con- 
grefs, in  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and 
feventy-four.  Yet  the  people  at  large  were 
equally  difaffected,  and  loon  after,  in  an  ad- 
drefs  to  his  excellency,  acknowledged  them- 
felves  the  only  link  in  the  great  American 
chain,  that  had  not  publicly  united  with  the 
other  colonies  in  their  oppofition  to  the  claims 
of  parliament.  They  called  a  provincial  con- 
grefs,  who  refolved  in  the  name  of  their  con-. 
ftituents,  that  they  would  receive  no  merchan- 
dize whatever  from  Great  Britain  or  Ireland 
after  the  feventh  day  of  July,  one  thoufand, 
feven  hundred  and  feventy-five  ;  that  they  ful- 
ly approved  and  adopted  the  American  decla- 
ration and  bill  of  rights,  publilhed  by  the  late 
continental  congrefs ;  that  they  mould  now 
join  with  the  other  colonies,  choofe  delegates  to 
meet  in  general  congrefs ;  and  that  they  meant 
invariably  to  adhere  to  the  public  caufe,  and 
that  they  would  no  longer  lie  under  the  fufpi- 
cion  of  being  unconcerned  for  the  rights  ancj 
freedom  of  America, 

Indeed  the  torch  of  war  feemed  already  to 
have  reached  the  moft  diftant  corner  of  the  con- 
pie,  this  year,  at  large  in  the  Britifli  Remembrancer,  which 
is  here  anticipated  to  prevent  interrupting  the  narration  by 
any  further  detail  of  general  Lee's  tranfaclions  in  Mary- 
land relative  to  governor  Eden, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION*  207 

tinent,  the  flame  had  fpread  and  penetrated  to 
the  laft  province  in  America  held  by  Great 
Britain,  and  a  way  opened  to  the  gates  of  Que- 
bec, before  adminiftration  had  dreamed  of  the 
fmalleft  danger  in  that  quarter.  Soon  after  the 
action  at  Lexington,  a  number  of  enterprifing 
young  men,  principally  from  Connecticut,  pro- 
pofed  to  each  other  a  fudden  march  towards 
the  lakes,  and  a  bold  attempt  to  furprize  Ti- 
conderoga,  garrifoned  by  the  king's  troops. 
Thefe  young  adventurers  applied  to  governor 
Trumbull,  and  obtained  leave  of  the  aflembly 
of  Connecticut  to  purfue  their  project ;  and  fo 
fecretly,  judicioufly,  and  rapidly  was  the  expe- 
dition conducted,  that  they  entered  the  gam-  + 
fon,  and  faluted  the  principal  officer  as  their 
prifoner,  before  he  had  any  reafon  to  apprehend 
an  enemy  was  near.*  This  enterprife  was 
conducted  by  the  colonels  Eafton,  Arnold,  and 
Allen  ;  the  invaders  pofleffed  themfelves  of  a 
confiderable  number  of  brafs  and  iron  cannon, 
and  many  warlike  ftores,  without  fuffering  any 
lofs  of  life. 

It  had  been  proved  beyond  a  doubt  that  the 
Britifh  government  had  fpared  no  pains  to  en- 
courage the  inroads  of  the  favages  ;  of  confe- 
quence  this  coup  de  main  was  deemed  a  very  me- 

*  On  the  furprife  of  Ticonderoga,  the  commanding  of- 
ficer there  inquired  by  whofe  authority  this  was  done  ? 
Colonel  Allen  replied,  "  I  demand  your  furrender  in  the 
name  of  the  great  Jehovah  and  of  the  continental  congrefs." 


20$  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    Ofr 

CHAP.  vi.  ritorious  and  important  ftep.  Ticonderoga 
commanded  all  the  pafies  between  Canada  and 
the  other  provinces.  The  pofleffion  of  this  im- 
portant fortrefs  on  the  lake  Champlain,  in  a 
great  meafure  fecured  the  frontiers  from  the 
incuriions  of  the  favages,  who  had  been  excited 
by  the  cruel  policy  of  Britain  to  war,  which,  by 
thefe  ferocious  nations,  is  ever  carried  on  by 
modes  at  which  humanity  fhudders,  and  civiliz- 
ation blufhes  to  avow.* 

Thus  was  the  fword  brandifhed  through  the 
land,  and  hung  fufpended  from  cruel  execution 
of  all  the  evils  attendant  on  a  ftate  of  civil  con- 
vulfion,  only  by  the  faint  hope,  that  the  fove- 
reign  of  Britain  might  yet  be  foftened  to  hold 
out  the  olive-branch  in  one  hand,  and  a  redrefs 
of  grievances  in  the  other.  But  every  pacific 
hope  was  reverfed,  and  all  profpect  of  the  refto- 
ration  of  harmony  annihilated  early  in  the  fum- 
mer,  by  the  arrival  of  a  large  reinforcement  at 
Bofton,  commanded  by  three  general  officers  of 
high  consideration. 

All  former  delufive  expectations  now  extiiv 
guifhed,  both  the  ftatefman  and  the  peafant, 
actuated  by  the  feelings  of  the  man  and  the  pat- 
riot, difcovered  a  moft  unconquerable  magna- 

*  A  few  months  after  this  expedition,  colonel  Allen  ex- 
perienced a  reverfe  of  fortune,  by  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  Britifh  near  Montreal,  was  loaded  with  irons,  and  im» 
mediately  fent  to  England. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  209 


nimity  of  fpirit.  Undifmayed  by  the  neceffity 
of  an  appeal  to  the  fword,  though  unprovided 
with  fufficient  refources  for  fo  arduous  a  con- 
flict, they  animated  each  other  to  fuftain  it,  if 
neceflary,  until  they  mould  leave  their  foes  on- 
ly a  depopulated  foil,  if  victory  fliould  declare 
in  their  favor.  Nature  revolts  at  the  idea, 
when  the  poniard  is  pufhed  by  defpair  ;  yet 
preferring  death  to  thraldom,  the  Americans 
were  every  where  decifive  in  council,  and  de- 
termined in  action.  There  appeared  that  kind 
of  enthufiafm,  which  fets  danger  at  defiance, 
and  impels  the  manly  arm  to  reiift,  till  the 
warm  current  that  plays  round  the  heart,  is 
poured  out  as  a  libation  at  the  fhrine  of  freedom. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  fears  of  the  depend- 
ents on  the  crown  were  diflipated  by  the  aug- 
mentation of  the  Britifli  army,  their  hopes  in- 
vigorated, and  every  artifice  ufed,  to  fpread  ter» 
ror  and  difmay  among  the  people.  The  turpi- 
tude of  rebellion,  and  the  dread  confequences 
of  defeat,  were  painted  in  the  moft  gloomy 
colours  ;  the  merits  and  the  abilities  of  the 
principal  officers  extolled,  their  diftinguifhed 
names  and  characters  enhanced,  and  every 
thing  circulated  that  might  tend  to  weaken  the 
refolution  of  the  people. 

It  was  faid,   general  Burgoyne  commanded  a 
fquadron  of  light-horfe,  which  was  to  fcour  die 
VOL.  i.  2....e 


21O  THE    RISE  .AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  VF.  country,  and  pick  up  the  leading  infurgents  in 
every  quarter.  The  capacity,  bravery,  and  vir- 
tues of  general  Clinton  were  every  where  an- 
nounced by  the  votaries  of  adminiftration  ;  and 
the  name  of  Howe  was  at  that  time,  at  once  re- 
vered, beloved,  and  dreaded  in  America.  A 
monumental  tribute  of  applaufe  had  been  rear- 
ed in  honor  of  one  brother,  who  had  fallen  in 
that  country  in  the  late  war  between  Great 
Britain  and  France  ;  and  the  gratitude  of  the 
people  had  excited  a  predilection  in  favor  of 
the  other,  and  indeed  of  every  branch  of  that 
family.  But  this  partiality  was  foon  fucceeded 
by  an  univerfal  difguft  towards  the  two  fur- 
viving  brothers,  lord  and  general  Howe,  who 
undertook  the  conqueft  of  America  ;  a  project 
held  reproachful,  and  which  would  have  reflect- 
ed difhonor  on  the  perpetrators,  even  had  it 
been  crowned  with  fuccefs. 

In  the  beginning  of  June,  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  feventy-five,  general  Gage 
thought  proper  to  act  a  more  decided  part  than 
he  had  hitherto  done.  He  publifhed  a  procla- 
mation, denouncing  martial  law  in  all  its  rigors 
againft  any  one  who  mould  fupply,  conceal,  or 
correfpond  with,  any  of  thofe  he  was  pleafed  to 
itigmatize  by  the  epithets  of  traitors^  rebels, 
or  Infurgents.  But  as  an  act  of  grace,  he  offer- 
ed pardon  in  the  king's  name  to  all  who  mould 
lay  ddwn  their  arms  and  fubmit  to  mercy,  only 
excluding  by  name*  Samuel  Adams  and 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION-  211 

John  Hancock  ;  lie  alleged  that  their  crimes 
were  of  too  flagitious  a  nature  to  hope  for  par- 
don. 


This  profcription  difcovered  the  little  knowl- 
edge which  general  Gage  then  pofleffed  of  the 
temper  of  the  times,  the  difpofition  of  the  people 
at  large,  or  the  character  of  individuals.  His 
difcrimination,  rather  accidental  than  judicious, 
fet  thefe  two  gentlemen  in  the  moft  confpicuous 
point  of  view,  and  drew  the  particular  atten- 
tion of  the  whole  continent  to  their  names, 
diflinguifhed  from  many  of  their  compeers, 
more  by  this  tingle  circumftance,  than  by  fu- 
perior  ability  or  exertion.  By  this  they  be- 
came at  once  the  favorites  of  popularity,  and 
the  objects  of  general  applaufe,  which  at  that 
time  would  have  been  the  fortune  of  any  one, 
honored  by  fuch  a  mark  of  difapprobation  of 
the  Britifh  commander  in  chief. 

Mr.  Adams  was  a  gentleman  of  a  good  edu- 
cation, a  decent  family,  but  no  fortune.  Early 
nurtured  in  the  principles  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  he  poflefled  a  quick  underftanding,  a 
cool  head,  ftern  manners,  a  fmooth  addrefs,  and 
a  Roman-like  firmnefs,  united  with  that  fagaci- 
ty  and  penetration  that  would  have  made  a 
figure  in  a  conclave.  He  was  at  the  fame  time 
liberal  in  opinion,  and  uniformly  devout ;  focial 
with  men  of  all  denominations,  grave  in  de- 
portment ;  placid,  yet  fever e  ;  fober  and  inde- 


212  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vi.  fatigable ;  calm  in  feafons  of  difficulty,  tran- 
quil  and  unruffled  in  the  vortex  of  political  al- 
tercation ;  too  firm  to  be  intimidated,  too 
haughty  for  condefcenfion,  his  mind  was  re- 
plete with  refources  that  diffipated  fear,  and 
extricated  in  the  greateft  emergencies.  Thus 
qualified,  he  ftood  forth  early,  and  continued 
firm,  through  the  great  ftruggle,  and  may  juftly 
claim  a  large  mare  of  honor,  due  to  that  fpirit 
of  energy  which  oppofed  the  meafures  of  admin- 
iftration,  and  produced  the  independence  of 
America.  Through  a  long  life  he  exhibited  on 
all  occaiions,  an  example  of  patriotifm,  religion, 
and  virtue  honorary  to  the  human  character. 

Mr.  Hancock  was  a  young  gentleman  of  for- 
tune, of  more  external  accomplifhments  than 
real  abilities.  He  was  polite  in  manners,  eafy 
in  addrefs,  affable,  civil,  and  liberal.  With  thefe 
accomplimments,  he  was  capricious,  fanguine, 
and  implacable  :  naturally  generous,  he  was 
profufe  in  expenfe  ;  he  fcattered  largeffes  with- 
out difcretion,  and  pur  chafed  favors  by  the 
wafte  of  wealth,  until  he  reached  the  ultima- 
tum of  his  wifhes,  which  centered  in  the  focus 
of  popular  applaufe.  He  enlifled  early  in  the 
caufe  of  his  country,  at  the  inftigation  of  fome 
gentlemen  of  penetration,  who  thought  his  am- 
ple fortune  might  give  confideration,  while  his 
ficklenefs  could  not  injure,  fo  long  as  he  was  un- 
der the  influence  of  men  of  fuperior  judgment. 
They  complimented  him  by  nominations  to  com- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  213 

mittees  of  importance,  till  he  plunged  too  far  to  CHAP.  vi. 
recede  ;  and  flattered  by  ideas  of  his  own  con- 
fequence,  he  had  taken  a  decided  part  before 
the  battle  of  Lexington,  and  was  prefident  of 
the  provincial  congrefs,  when  that  event  took 
place. 

By  the  appearance  of  zeal,  added  to  a  certain 
alacrity  of  engaging  in  any  public  department, 
Mr.  Hancock  was  influential  in  keeping  up  the 
tide  of  oppoiition  ;  and  by  a  concurrence  of 
fortuitous  circumftances,  among  which  this  pro- 
fcription  was  the  moft  capital,  he  reached  the 
fummit  of  popularity,  which  raifed  him  after- 
wards to  the  moft  elevated  ftations,  and  very 
fortunately  he  had  the  honor  of  affixing  his 
iignature  as  prefident,  to  many  of  the  fubfe- 
quent  proceedings  of  the  continental  congrefs, 
which  will  ever  hold  an  illuftrious  rank  in  the 
page  of  hiftory. 

Mr.  Hancock  had  repaired  to  Philadelphia., 
to  take  his  feat  in  congrefs,  immediately  after 
he  made  his  efcape  from  Lexington.  Part  of 
the  objeft  of  the  excurfion  of  the  eighteenth  of 
April,  was  the  capture  of  him  and  Mr.  Adams; 
they  were  both  particularly  inquired  for,  and 
the  houfe  in  which  they  lodged  furrounded  by 
the  king's  troops,  the  moment  after  thefe  gen- 
tlemen had  retreated  half-naked.  Had  they 
been  found,  they  would  undoubtedly  have  been 
fhut  up  in  Bofton,  if  nothing  more  fatal  had 


214  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 


CHAP.  V  I. 


been  inflicted,  inftead  of  being  left  at   liberty 
77         to  purfue  a  political  career  that  will  tranfmit 
their  names  with  applaufe  to  pofterity. 

The  abfence  of  the  late  worthy  prefident  of 
congrefs,  Mr.  Randolph,  and  the  arrival  of  Mr. 
Hancock  at  Philadelphia,  at  the  fortunate  mo- 
ment when  the  enthuliafin  infpired  by  Gage's 
proclamation  was  at  the  height,  both  concur- 
red to  promote  his  elevation.  He  was  chofen 
to  prefide  in  the  refpeclable  aflembly  of  dele- 
gates, avowedly  on  the  fole  principle  of  his  hav- 
ing been  profcribed  by  general  Gage.  It  was 
uncouthly  faid,  by  a  member  of  congrefs,  that 
they  would  mew  mother  Britain  how  little 
they  cared  for  her,  by  chooiing  a  Maffachu- 
fetts  man  for  their  prefident,  who  had  been 
recently  excluded  from  pardon  by  public  pro- 
<c  clamation."  The  choice  was  fuddenly  made, 
and  with  rather  too  much  levity  for  the  times, 
or  for  the  dignity  of  the  office.  Mr.  Hancock's 
modefty  prompted  him  for  a  moment  to  hefitate 
on  the  unexpected  event,  as  if  diffident  of  his 
own  qualifications  ;  when  one  of  the  mem- 
bers,* of  a  more  robuft  conftitution,  and  lefs 
delicacy  of  manners,  took  him  in  his  arms,  and 
placed  him  in  the  presidential  chair, 


*  A  Mr.  Harrifon,  from  Virginia,  the  fame  who  made 
the  above  fpeech.  Thefe  circumftances  were  verbally  de- 
tailed to  the  author  of  thefe  annals  by  a  refpeftable  mem- 
ber of  congrefs  then  "prefent. 


" 


" 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  215 

This  fudden  elevation  might  place  the  for-  CHAP.  vi. 
tunate  candidate  in  a  iimilar  fituation  with  the 
celebrated  pope  Ganganelli,  who  obferved  of 
himfelf,  that  after  putting  on  the  triple  crown, 
he  often  felt  his  own  pulfe,  to  fee  if  he  was  the 
fame  identical  perfon  he  was  a  few  years  be- 
fore. Mr.  Hancock  continued  in  the  prefiden- 
tial  chair  until  October,  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  feventy-nine,  when  he  took  a 
formal  leave  of  congrefs,  and  never  again  re- 
joined that  refpeclable  body.  His  time  however 
was  fully  occupied  in  his  own  ftate  in  the  vari- 
ous employments,  to  which  he  was  called  by  a 
majority  of  voices  in  the  Mafllichufetts,  where 
his  popular  talents  had  a  commanding  influence, 
during  the  refidue  of  his  life.*  But  in  the 
progrefs  of  the  revolution,  feveral  men  of  lefs 
confequence  than  Mr.  Hancock,  and  far  inferior 
claims  to  patriotifm,  were  raifed  to  the  fame 
dignified  ftation. 

In  the  effervefcence  of  popular  commotions, 
it  is  not  uncommon  to  fee  the  favorites  of  for- 
tune  elevated  to  the  pinnacle  of  rank  by  trivial 
circumftances,  that  appear  the  refult  of  acci- 
dent. 

Thofe  who  mark  the  changes  and  the  progrefs 
of  events  through  all  revolutions,  will  frequent- 
ly fee  diftinclions  beftowed,  where  there  are  no 


See  Appendix,  Note,  No.  XIII. 


216  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS   OF 

commanding  talents,  and  honors  retained,  more 


from  the  ftrong  influence  of  popular  enthu- 
fiafrn,  than  from  the  guidance  of  reafon,  which 
operates  too  little  on  the  generality  of  man- 
kind. 

It  may  be  obferved,  that  public  commotions 
in  human  affairs,  like  the  Ihocks  of  nature, 
convulfe  the  whole  fyflem,  and  level  the  lofty 
mountains,  which  have  arifen  for  ages  above  the 
clouds,  beneath  the  vallies  ;  while  the  hillock, 
unnoticed  before,  is  raifed  to  a  pitch  of  eleva- 
tion, that  renders  it  a  land-mark  for  the  eye  of 
the  weary  feaman  to  reft  upon. 

All  revolutions  evince  the  truth  of  tfie  ob- 
fervation  of  a  writer,  that  "  Many  men  great 
"  in  title,  have  the  fpirit  of  flaves,  many  low  in 
"  fortune,  have  great  fpirits,  many  a  Cicero 
"  has  kept  fheep,  many  a  Caefar  followed  the 
"  plough,  many  a  Virgil  folded  cattle."* 

The  fudden  rotations  in  human  affairs  are 
wifely  permitted  by  Providence,  to  remind 
mankind  of  their  natural  equality,  to  check 
the  pride  of  wealth,  to  reftrain  the  infolence  of 
rank  and  family  diftin&ions,  which  too  fre- 
quently opprefs  the  various  claffes  in  fociety. 

The  late  proclamation  of  general  Gage  was 
confidered  as  a  prelude  to  immediate  a&ion, 

*  Sir  Francis  O/borne's  Memoirs. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  21? 

and  from  all  intelligence  that  could  be  obtained  CHAP,  vi. 
from  the  town,  there  appeared  the  ftrongeft  ^_ 
reafon  to  expect  a  fecond  fally  from  the  troops 
lying  in  Bofton,  Uncertain  on  which  fide  the 
florin  would  begin,  the  provincials  thought  it 
neceffary  to  guard  againft  furprife,  by  fortifying 
on  both  fides  of  the  town,  in  the  beft  manner 
they  were  able.  They  threw  up  fome  flight 
entrenchments  at  Roxbury,  and  feveral  other 
places  on  the  fouth  fide  of  Boflon  ;  at  the  fame 
time,  on  the  night  of  the  fixteenth  of  June, 
they  began  fome  works  at  the  extreme  part  of 
a  peninfula  at  the  north,  running  from  Charlef- 
town  to  the  river,  which  feparates  that  town 
from  Bofton.  They  executed  this  bufinefs  with 
fuch  fecrecy  and  difpatch,  that  the  officers  of  a 
fhip  of  war  then  in  the  river,  expreflfed  their  af- 
tonifhment  in  the  morning,  when  they  faw 
fome  confiderable  works  reared  and  fortified  in 
the  compafs  of  a  few  hours,  where,  from  the 
contiguous  fituation,*  they  leaft  expected  the 
Americans  would  look  them  in  the  face. 

The  alarm  was  immediately  given,  and  or- 
ders ilfued,  that  a  continual  fire  mould  be  kep& 

*  Thefe  works  were  erected  on  Breed's  hill.  This  was 
the  fpot  that  09(1  tbe  Britiih  army  fo  dear  through  the  glo- 
rious action  of  that  cfay,  generally  ftyled  the  battle  of  Bunker 
hill.  After  the  Americans  retreated,  the  Britifh  left  Breed's 
hill,  took  their  ftand,  and  ftrongly  fortified  Bunker  hill, 
about  a  fourth  of  a  mile  diftant.  Thus  has  the  name  of 
the  place  of  action  been  frequently  confounded. 
VOL.  I.  2....D 


21 8  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS   OF 

CHAP.  vi.  playing  upon  the  imfmifhed  works,  from  the 
„„  ihips,  the  floating  batteries  in  the  river,  and  a 
fortified  hill  on  the  other  fide  ;  but  with  unpar- 
ralleled  perfeverance,  the  Americans  continued 
to  flrengthen  their  entrenchments,  without  re- 
turning a  fhot  until  near  noon,  when  the  Brit- 
ifh  army,  confuting  of  ten  companies  of  grena- 
diers, four  battalions  of  infantry,  and  a  heavy 
train  of  artillery,  advanced  under  the  command 
of  general  Pigot  and  major  general  Howe.  A 
fevere  engagement  enfued  :  many  men  and  fev- 
eral  brave  officers  of  the  royal  army  fell  on  the 
firft  fire  of  the  Americans.  This  unexpected 
falute  threw  them  into  fome  confufion  ;  but  by 
the  firmnefs  of  general  Howe,  and  the  timely 
afliftance  of  general  Clinton,  wrho,  with  a  frefli 
detachment  arrived  in  feafon,  the  troops  were 
immediately  rallied,  and  brought  to  the  charge 
with  redoubled  fury.  They  mounted  the  ram- 
parts with  fixed  bayonets,  and  notwithstanding 
the  mofl  heroic  refiilance,  they  foori  made 
themfelves  mafters  of  the  difputed  hill. 

Overpowered  by  numbers,  and  exhaufted  by 
the  fatigue  of  the  preceding  night,  and  all  hope 
of  reinforcement  cut  off  by  the  incefTant  fire  of 
the  mips  acrofs  a  neck  of  land  that  feparated 
them  from  the  country,  the  provincials  were 
obliged  to  retreat,  and  leave  the  ground  to  the 
Britim  troops.  Many  of  their  moft  experienced 
officers  acknowledged  the  valor  of  their  oppo- 
nents ;  and  that  in  proportion  to  the  forces  en- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

gaged,  there  had  been  few  actions  in  which  the 
military  renown  of  Britifh  troops  had  been 
more  feverely  tried.  Their  chagrin  was  mani- 
feft,  that  the  bravery  of  Britifli  foldiers,  which 
had  been  often  iignalized  in  the  nobleft  feats  of 
valor,  mould  be  thus  refitted  ;  that  they  mould 
be  galled,  wounded,  and  flaughtered,  by  an 
handful  of  cottagers,  as  they  termed  them,  under 
officers  of  little  military  fkill,  and  lefs  experi- 
ence, whom  they  had  affected  to  hold  in  ineffa- 
ble contempt. 

There  is  a  certain  point  of  military  honor,  I  I 
that  often  urges  againft  the  feelings  of  human- 
ity, to  dip  the  fword  in  blood.  Thus,  from  the  , 
early  maxims  of  implicit  obedience,  the  firil 
principle  of  military  education,  many  men  of 
real  merit  hazarded  fortune,  life,  and  reputa- 
tion, in  the  inglorious  work  of  devaftation  and 
ruin,  through  the  fields  and  villages  of  America. 
Yet  fuch  was  the  reluctance  (hewn  by  fome  to 
engage  with  fpirit  in  the  difagreeable  enterprife 
of  this  day,  that  their  officers  were  obliged  to 
ufe  the  utmoft  feverity  towards  them,  to  ftimu- 
late  others  to  perfevere.  The  town  of  Charlef- 
town  was  reduced  to  afhes  by  the  fire  of  the 
{hipping,  while  the  land  forces  were  ftprming 
the  hills.  Thus,  in  concert,  was  this  iieurifh- 
ing  and  compact  town  deilroyed,  in  the  moft 
wanton  difplay  of  power.  There  were  about 
four  hundred  dwelling-houfes  in  the  centre  of 
Charleftown,  which,  with  the  out-houfes  adja- 


220  THE    RISE    AND'   PROGRESS    OF 


CHAP.  vi.  cent,  and  many  buildings  in  the  fuburbs,  were 
alib  funk  in  the  conflagration.  The  fate  of 
this  unfortunate  town  was  beheld  with  folem- 
nity  and  regret,  by  many  even  of  thole  who 
were  not  favorably  difpofed  to  the  liberties  of 
the  weftern  world.  The  ingratitude  which 
marked  the  tranfaction  aggravated  the  guilty 
deed.  We  have  recently  feen  the  inhabitants 
of  that  place,  prompted  by  humanity,  opening 
their  doors  for  the  relief,  and  pouring  balm  in- 
to the  wounds,  of  the  routed  corps  on  the  nine- 
teenth of  April.  This  in  the  eye  of  juftice  muft 
enhance  the  atrocity,  and  forever  ftigmatize  the 
ingratitude,  which  ib  foon  after  wrapped  the 
town  in  flames,  and  lent  out  the  naked  inhabit- 
ants, the  prey  of  poverty  and  defpair. 

There  are  few  things  which  place  the  pride 
of  man  in  a  more  confpicuous  point  of  view, 
than  the  advantages  claimed  in  all  military  ren- 
contres that  are  not  deciiive.  Thus,  though 
at  the  expenfe  of  many  lives,  and  the  lofs  of 
fome  of  their  braveft  officers,  the  Britifh  army 
exulted  much  in  becoming  matters  of  an  unfin- 
iihed  entrenchment,  and  driving  the  Americans 
from  their  advanced  poft.  Upwards  of  one 
thoufand  men,  including  the  wounded,  fell  in 
this  action  on  the  royal  fide.  Among  the  flain 
was  lieutenant  colonel  Abercrombie,  an  officer 
much  efteemed  by  his  friends  and  his  country, 
and  a  major  Pitcairn,  a  gentleman  of  fo  much 
merit,  that  his  fall  was  lamented  even  by  his 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  22] 

enemies.      His  valor  on   this  occafion  would    CHAP- VI- 
have  reflected  glory  on  his  memory,  had  it  been 
iignalized  in  a  more  honorable  caufe.* 

While  tl^is  tragedy  was  acting  on  the  other 
fide  of  the  Charles  river,  the  terror  and  con- 
fternation  of  the  town  of  Bofton  are  fcarcely  de- 
fcribable.  In  the  utmoft  anxiety,  they  beheld 
the  fcene  from  the  eminences.  Appreheniive 
for  themfelves,  and  trembling  for  their  friends 
engaged  in  the  bloody  conflict,  they  were  not 
lefs  affected  by  the  hideous  flirieks  of  the  wo- 
men and  children  connected  with  the  king's 
troops,  who  beheld  their  hufbands,  their  friends, 
and  relations,  wounded,  mangled,  and  flain, 
ferried  over  the  river  in  boatloads,  from  the 
field  of  carnage. 

On  the  other  fide,  though  the  Americans 
were  obliged  to  quit  the  field  with  very  confid- 
erable  lols,  yet  they  gloried  in  the  honor  they 
had  this  day  acquired  by  arms.  They  retired 
only  one  mile  from  the  fcene  of  action,  where 
they  took  pofl  eflion  of  an  advantageous  height, 
and  threw  up  new  works  on  Profpect  hill,  with 
the  enthufiafm  of  men  determined  to  be  free* 

*  It  may  be  obferved,  that  his  zeal  in  the  caufe  in  which 
he  was  engaged,  had  hurried  htm  previous  to  this  aclion 
to  feme  fteps  that  could  not  eafily  be  forgiven  by  Ameri- 
cans, particularly  by  thofe  who  believed  him  to  have  been 
tl^c  officer,  who  firft  gave  the  order  for  the  king's  troops  to 
fire  on  the  militia  a'Tembling  at  Lexington,  on  their  appear* 


222  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vr.       They  foon  environed  the  town  of  Bofton  on  all 
77         fides  with  military  parade,   and  though   they 
wept  the  fall  of  many  brave  men,  they   bade 
a  daily  challenge  to  their  enemies. 

But  a  cloud  was  caft  over  every  face  by  the 
death  of  the  intrepid  major  general  Jofeph  War- 
ren, who,  to  the  inexpreflible  grief  of  his  coun- 
trymen, loft  his  life  in  the  memorable  action 
ufually  ftyled  the  battle  of  Bunker  hill.  He  fell 
covered  with  laurels,  choofmg  rather  to  die  in 
the  field,  than  to  grace  the  victory  of  his  foes 
by  the  triumph  they  would  have  enjoyed  in  his 
imprifonment.  He  had  been  chofen  prefident 
of  the  provincial  congrefs,  when  Mr.  Hancock 
repaired  to  Philadelphia,  and  was  an  active  vol- 
unteer in  feveral  fkirmiflies  that  had  taken  place 
fince  the  commencement  of  hoftilities,  which  in 
the  minds  of  his  enemies  would  have  fanction- 
ed  the  fevereft  indignities  their  refentment 
might  have  dictated,  had  he  fallen  into  their 
hands  at  this  early  period  of  the  war. 

This  gentleman  had  been  appointed  a  major 
general  only  four  days  previous  to  the  late  ac- 
tion :  he  was  educated  in  the  medical  line,  and 
was  much  refpected  for  his  profefiional  as  well 
as  his  political  abilities.  He  pofTefled  a  clear  un- 
derftanding,  a  ftrong  mind,  a  difpoiition  hu- 
mane and  generous,  with  manners  eafy,  affable, 
and  engaging ;  but  zealous,  a6tive,  and  fan- 
guine,  in  the  caufe  of  his  opprefled  country,  it 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  223 


is  to  be  lamented,  that  he  rather  incautioufly 
courted  the  pofl  of  danger,  and  rufhed  precip- 
itately  on  his  fate,  while  more  important  oc- 
caiions  required  his  paying  fome  regard  to  per- 
fonal  fafety.  Yet,  if  the  love  of  fame  is  the 
ftrongeft  paflion  of  the  mind,  and  human  nature 
pants  for  diftinclion  in  the  flowery  field,  per- 
haps there  was  never  a  moment  of  more  un- 
fading glory,  offered  to  the  wiflies  of  the  brave, 
than  that  which  marked  the  exit  of  this  heroic 
officer. 

He  was  the  firft  victim  of  rank  that  fell  by  the 
fword  in  the  conteft  between  Great  Britain  and  A- 
merica  :  and  the  conflagration  of  Char  left  own, 
enkindled  by  the  wanton  barbarity  of  his  enemies, 
lighted  his  manes  to  the  grave.  Thefe  circunv- 
ftances  enfure  a  record  in  every  hiftorical  annal, 
while  his  memory  will  be  revered  by  every  lo- 
ver of  his  country,  and  the  name  of  Warren 
will  be  enrolled  at  the  head  of  that  band  of  pat- 
riots and  heroes,  who  facrificed  their  lives  to 
purchafe  the  independence  of  America. 

After  the  late  adion,  the  Britifli  troops  ap- 
peared to  be  in  no  condition  for  further  opera- 
tions ;  weakened  by  the  fevere  engagement 
near  Bunker  hill,  fickly  in  the  camp,  and  dif- 
heartened  by  unexpected  bravery,  where  they 
had  feared  no  refiftance  ;  ftraitencd  for  provi- 
fions,  and  deftitute  of  forage,  except  what  was 
piratically  plundered  from  the  neighbouring 


224  THE    RISL    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vi.  fhores,  they  kept  themfelves  {hut  up  in  Bofton 
"-j ,.,.,.  the  remainder  of  the  fummer.  Here  they  con- 
tinued in  fo  quiet  a  manner,  that  had  they  not 
fometimes  for  their  own  amufement  faluted  the 
country  with  the  found  of  a  ufelefs  cannon- 
ade, or  the  burfting  of  a  mell,  the  people  might 
have  forgotten,  that  the  monarch  of  Britain 
had  feveral  thoufand  foldiers  cooped  up  within 
the  walls  of  a  city  that  ftill  acknowledged  him 
as  their  fovereign.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
town  were  held  in  durefs,  but  their  military 
mafters  did  not  prefume  to  enlarge  their  own 
quarters. 

While  this  interefting  fcene  had  been  acting 
in  the  field,  the  congrefs  of  the  Maflachufetts 
had  fent  on  to  Philadelphia  for  the  opinion 
of  the  united  delegates  relative  to  their  aflump- 
tion  of  a  regular  form  of  government.  Articles 
of  confederation  had  been  agreed  to  in  general 
congrefs,  in  which  a  recapitulation  of  grievan- 
ces, and  the  reafons  for  taking  up  arms  were 
fubjoined  in  terms  little  fhort  of  a  declaration 
of  war.  Thefe  had  been  publimed  in  May, 
one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-five  ; 
but  their  ratification  by  legiflative  bodies,  or 
provincial  congreiles,  had  not  yet  generally 
taken  place.  But  as  the  independence  of  Ame- 
rica was  not  yet  formally  declared,  it  was  in 
contemplation  with  many  members  of  congrefs, 
as  well  as  others  of  equal  judgment,  that 
when  all  fhould  be  convinced,  that  the  breach 


TrfE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

between  the  two  countries  was  totally  irrecon-  CHAP, 
cileable,  that  the  fame  modes  of  legiiiation  and  _^ 
government  fhould  be  adopted  in  all  the  colo- 
nies. It  was  then  thought  that  a  fimilarity  of 
manners,  police,  and  government,  throughout 
the  continent,  would  cement  the  union,  and 
might  iupport  the  fovereignty  of  each  individu- 
al ihite,  while  yet,  for  general  purpofes,  all 
ffiould  be  in  fubordination  to  the  congreflional 
head. 

An  elegant  writer  has  obferved,  that  it  is  no 
eafy  matter  to  render  the  union  of  independent 
flates  perfect  and  entire,  unlefs  the  genius  and 
forms  of  their  refpective  governments  are  in 
fome  degree  fimilar.  The  judicious  body  aflem- 
bled  at  Philadelphia  were  fully  convinced  of 
this  ;  they  were  not  infeniible  that  a  number  of 
dates,  under  different  conftitutions,  and  various 
modes  of  government  and  civil  police,  each  reg- 
ulated by  their  own  municipal  laws,  would  foon 
be  fwayed  by  local  interefts  that  might  create 
irreconcileable  feuds  tending  to  disjoint  the 
whole.*  It  was  therefore  judged  beft$  to  re- 

*  Congrefs  had  about  this  time  adopted  the  refolution 
to  advtfe  each  of  the  colonies  explicitly  to  renounce  the 
government  of  Great  Britain,  and  to  form  conftitutions  of 
government  for  themfelves,  adequate  to  their  exigencies, 
and  agreeable  to  their  own  modes  of  thinking,  where  any 
variation  of  fentiment  prevailed.  This  was  a<5ted  upon, 
and  a  reprefentative  government,  confiftingof  one  or  more 
branches,  was  adopted  in  each  colony. 
VOL.  I.  2....E 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    O* 

commend  to  the  Maffachufetts,  the  refumptioi* 
of  a  regular  form  of  government  in  the  pre- 
fent  exigence,  on  the  plan  of  the  old  charter  of 
William  and  Mary,  which  gave  authority  to 
the  majority  of  counfellors,  chofen  by  an  houfe 
of  reprefentatives,  to  exercife  all  governmental 
acts,  as  if  the  governor  was  really  abfent  or 
dead* 

On  this  recommendation,  James  Warren,  Efq, 
prefident  of  the  provincial  congrefs,  by  their 
authority,  ilTued  writs  in  his  own  name,  requir- 
ing the  freeholders  in  every  town  to  convene, 
and  elect  their  reprefentatives,  to  meet  at  Wa- 
tertown  on  the  twentieth  of  July,  one  thou- 
fand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-five.  This 
fummons  was  readily  obeyed,  and  a  full  houfe 
appeared  at  the  time  and  place  appointed ;  the 
late  preiident  of  the  provincial  congrefs  was 
unanimouily  chofen  fpeaker  of  the  new  houfe. 
Regardlefs  of  the  vacant  chair,  they  fele&ed  a 
council,  and  the  two  branches  proceeded  to  le- 
giflation  and  the  internal  police  of  the  province, 
as  ufually  had  been  the  practice  in  the  abfence, 
of  the  governor  and  lieutenant  governor.* 

Thus,  after  living  for  more  than  twelve 
months  without  any  legal  government,  with- 
out law,  and  without  any  regular  adminiftra- 
tion  of  juftice,  but  what  arofe  from  the  inter- 
nal fenfe  of  moral  obligation,  which  is  feldom  a 

*  See  Appendix,  Note,  No.  XIV. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  22? 

fufficient  reflraint  on  the  people  at  large,  the  j  CHAP.  vi. 
Maflachufetts  returned  peaceably  to  the  regular ;  ZIT" 
and  necefTary  fubordination  of  civil  fociety. 
Reduced  nearly  to  a  Hate  of  nature  with  regard  j 
to  all  civil  or  authoritative  ties,  it  is  almoft  in- 
credible,  that  the  principles  of  rectitude  and 
common  juftice  mould  have  been  fo  generally 
influential.  For,  fuch  is  the  reillefs  and  hoftile 
difpolition  of  man,  that  it  will  not  fufFer  him  to 
remain  long  in  a  ftate  of  repofe,  whether  on  the 
fummit  of  human  glory,  or  reclined  on  his  own 
native  turf,  when  probable  contingencies  prom- 
ife  him  the  acquisition  of  either  wealth  or  fame. 
From  the  wants,  the  weaknefs,  and  the  ferocity 
of  human  nature,  mankind  cannot  fubfift  long 
in  fociety,  without  fome  ftable  fyftem  of  coer- 
cive power.  Yet  amidft  the  complicated  diffi- 
culties with  which  they  were  furrounded,  the 
horrors  of  anarchy  were  far  from  prevailing  in  I 
the  province' :  vice  feemed  to  be  abafhed  by 
the  examples  of  moderation,  difintereftednefs, 
and  generofity,  exhibited  by  many  of  the  pa- 
triotic leaders  of  prefent  meafures. 

It  has  been  obferved  already,  that  not  a  drop 
of  blood  had  ever  been  fpih  by  the  people  in 
any  of  the  commotions  preceding  the  com- 
mencement of  war,  and  that  the  fear  of  popular 
sefentment  was  undoubtedly  a  guard  on  the 
con4m&  of  fome  individuals.  Others,  check- 
ed by  the  frowns  of  public  virtue,  crimes  of 
an  atrocious  nature  had  feldom  been  perpetrat- 
ed :  all  claffes  feemed  to  be  awed  by  the  mag- 


228  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  n.  nitude  of  the  objects  before  them  ;  private  dif» 
" '  .  putes  were  amicably  adjufted  or  poflponed,  un- 
til time  and  events  fliould  give  the  opportunity 
of  legal  decifion,  or  render  the  claims  of  in- 
dividuals of  little  confcquence,  by  their  being 
ingulfed  in  the  torrent  of  defpotifrn,  general- 
ly poured  out  by  the  conqueror,  who  fights 
for  the  cftablifhment  of  uncontrolled  power. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  229 

CHAP.  VII. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

A  Continental  Army — Mr.  Washington  appointed  to  the 
Command. — General  Gage  recalled — fucceedecl  by  Sir 
William  Howe. — Depredations  on  the  Sea  Coaft — Fal- 
rnouth  burnt. — Canadian  Affairs — Death  and  Charafter 
of  General  Montgomery. 

r  REEDOM,  long  hunted  round  the  globe  by 
a  fucceffion  of  tyrants,  appeared  at  this  period, 
as  if  about  to  erect  her  ftandard  in  America  ; 
the  fcimitar  was  drawn  from  principles,  that 
held  life  and  property  as  a  feather  in  the  balance 
againft  the  chains  of  fervitude  that  clanked  in 
her  difgufted  ear.  The  blood  of  innocence  had 
already  crimlbned  over  the  fields  which  had 
teemed  for  the  nourifhment  of  Britain,  who, 
inftead  of  liftening  to  the  groans  of  an  opprefied 
country,  had  recently  wrung  out  the  tears  of 
anguifh,  until  the  inhabitants  of  the  plundered 
towns  were  ready  to  quit  the  elegancies  of  life, 
and  take  refuge  in  the  foreft,  to  fecure  the  un- 
impaired poilefilon  of  thofe  privileges  which 
they  confidered  as  a  grant  from  heaven,  that 
no  earthly  potentate  had  a  right  to  feize  with 
impunity. 

The  bulk  of  mankind  have  indeed,  in  all 
countries  in  their  turn,  been  made  the  prey  of 
ambitien.  Jt  is  a  truth  that  no  one  will  con- 


23O  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vn.  teft,  though  all  may  regret,  that  in  proportion 
1  J77(_  to  the  increafe  of  wealth,  the  improvement  in 
arts,  and  the  refinements  in  fociety,  the  great 
body  of  the  people  have  either  by  force  or 
fraud,  become  the  flaves  of  the  few,  wrho  by 
chance,  violence,  or  accident,  have  deftroyed 
the  natural  equality  of  their  aiTociates.  Sanc^ 
tioned  by  time  and  habit,  an  indefeafible  right 
has  been  claimed,  that  lets  fo  mifchievous  a 
creature  as  man  above  all  law,  and  fubjecls  the 
lives  of  millions,  to  the  rapacious  will  of  an  in- 
i  dividual,  who,  by  the  intoxicating  nature  of 
power,  foon  forgets  that  there  are  any  obliga- 
tions due  to  the  fubjecl,  a  reptile  in  his  opinion, 
made  only  for  the  drudgery  neceflary  to  main- 
tain the  fplendor  of  government,  and  the  fup- 
port  of  prerogative.  Every  ftep  taken  by  the 
Britiih  government,  relative  to  the  colonies, 
confirmed  this  truth,  taught  them  their  dan- 
ger, and  evinced  to  the  Americans  the  necef- 
iity  of  guarding  at  all  points,  againft  the  affum- 
ed  jurifdiction  of  an  aflembly  of  men,  difpofed 
to  innovate  continually  on  the  rights  of  their 
fellow  fubje&s  wrho  had  no  voice  in  parliament, 
and  whofe  petitions  did  not  reach,  or  h^d  no 
influence  on  the  ear  of  the  fovereign. 

The  fuccefs  of  the  laft  fupplicatory  addrefs 
offered  to  the  parliament  of  Britain  by  the 
United  States,  ftill  hung  in  fufpenfe  ;  yet  the 
crifis  appeared  fo  alarming,  that  it  was  thought 
neceflary  by  many,  to  attend  immediately  to 
the  eftablifliment  of  a  continental  army  on 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  231 

forae  ftable  and  refpectable  footing.  But  there 
were  fome  influential  members  in  congrefs,  who 
dreaded  the  confequence  of  a  ftep  fo  replete 
with  the  appearance  of  hoftility,  if  not  with 
the  avowed  defign  of  independence ;  they  ob- 
ferved,  that  fuch  a  meafure  would  be  an  inev- 
itable bar  to  the  reiloration  of  harmony. 

Some,  who  had  warmly  oppofed  the  meafures 
of  adminiftration,  and  ably  advocated  the 
rights  of  the  colonies,  were  of  this  opinion. 
The  idea  of  dhTevering  the  empire,  {hocked 
their  feelings ;  they  ftill  ardently  wifhed,  both 
from  the  principles  of  humanity,  and  what 
they  judged  the  foundeft  policy,  to  continue  if 
poflible,  the  natural  connexion  with  Britain. 
Others  of  a  more  timid  complexion,  readily 
united  with  thefe  gentlemen,  and  urged,  not- 
withftanding  the  contempt  poured  on  all  for- 
mer fupplications,  that  even,  if  their  late  peti- 
tion mould  be  rejected,  they  mould  yet  make 
one  effort  more  for  conciliation  and  relief,  by 
the  hitherto  fruitlefs  mode  of  prayer  and  re- 
monftrance.  Men  of  more  enlarged  and  com- 
preheniive  views,  conlidered  this  propofal  as 
the  fncffe  of  lhallow  politicians,  defigned  only  * 
to  prevent  the  organization  of  a  continental 
army. 

The  celebrated  Machiavel,  pronounced  by 
fome  the  prince  of  politicians,  has  obferved, 
"  that  every  ftate  is  in  danger  of  diffolution, 
"  whofe  government  is  not  frequently  reduced 


TEIE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    Of 

"  to  its  original  principles."  The  conduct  of 
the  Britifh  adminiftration  towards  the  colonies, 
the  corruption  of  the  government  in  every  de- 
partment, their  deviations  from  firit  principles, 
and  the  enormous  public  debt  of  the  nation, 
evinced  not  only  the  necefiity  of  a  reform  in 
parliament,  but  appeared  to  require  fuch  a  ren- 
ovation of  the  Britifh  conftitution,  as  was  not 
likely  foon  to  take  place.  Thus  circum (lanced, 
many  thought  it  the  intereft  of  America,  to 
dhTolve  the  connexion  with  fuch  a  govern- 
ment, and  were  utterly  oppofed  to  delay,  or 
any  further  application  to  the  Britifh  king  or 
parliament,  by  petition  or  cpnceffion. 

After  a  long  debate  on  the  fubjecc,  the  laft 
dcfcription  of  perfons  were  obliged  reluctantly 
to  accede  to  a  meafure  which  they  thought 
promifed  nothing  but  delay  or  difgrace.  By 
k  kind  of  neceflary  compromife,  a  moft  hum- 
ble and  loyal  petition  directly  to  the  king  of 
Great  Britain,  was  again  agreed  to  by  the  dele- 
gated powers  of  the  United  States.  At  the 
fame  time,  it  was  ftipulated  by  all  parties,  that 
military  preparations  mould  be  made,  and  an 
army  railed  without  farther  hefitation.  A  de- 
cided majority  in  congrefs,  voted,  that  twen- 
ty thoufand  men  mould  be  immediately  equip- 
ped and  fupported  at  the  expenfe  of  the  United 
States  of  America.  The  honorable  William 
Penn,  late  governor  of  Pennfylvania,  was  chofen 
agent  to  the  court  of  Britain,  and  directed  to 


TIIE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  233 


CHAP.  VII. 


deliver  the  petition  to  the  king  himfelf,  and  to 
endeavor   by  his    perfonal   influence,   to   pro-    — — 
cure  a  favorable  reception  to  this  laft  addrefs.          1775. 

The  command  of  the  army,  by  the  unani- 
mous voice  of  congrefs,  was  vefted  in  George 
Wafhington,  Efq.  then  a  delegate  from  the  State 
of  Virginia.  He  received  this  mark  of  confi- 
dence, from  his  country,  with  becoming  mod- 
elly,  and  declined  all  compenfation  for  his  fer- 
vices,  more  than  mould  be  fufficient  to  defray 
his  expenditures,  for  which  he  would  regularly 
account. 

Mr.  Wafhington  was  a  gentleman  of  family 
and  fortune,  of  a  polite,  but  not  a  learned 
education  ;  he  appeared  to  poffefs  a  coolnefs  of 
temper,  and  a  degree  of  moderation  and  judg*- 
ment,  that  qualified  him  for  the  elevated  fta- 
tion  in  which  he  was  now  placed  ;  with  fome 
confiderable  knowledge  of  mankind,  ti£  fup- 
ported  the  referve  of  the  ftatefman,  with  the 
occafional  affability  of  the  courtier.  In  his 
character  was  blended  a  certain  dignity,  united 
with  the  appearance  of  good  humour ;  he  pof- 
feffed  courage  without  rafhnefs,  patriotifm  and 
zeal  without  acrimony,  and  retained  with  uni- 
verfal  applaufe  the  firft  military  command,  un- 
til the  eftablifhment  of  independence.  Through 
the  various  changes  of  fortune  in  the  fubfequent 
conflict,  though  the  flownefs  of  his  movements 
was  cenfured  by  fome,  his  character  fuffered  lit- 
tle diminution  to  the  conclufion  of  a  war,  that 
VOL.  i.  2....F 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OP 

CHAP.  vi.  from  the  extraordinary  exigencies  of  an  infant, 
republic,  required  at  times,  the  caution  of  Fa- 
bius,  the  energy  of  Cxfar,  and  the  happy  facili- 
ty of  expedient  in  diftrefs,  fo  remarkable  in  the 
military  operations  of  the  illuftrious  Frede- 
rick.* With  the  firi!  of  thefe  qualities,  he  was 
endowed  by  nature  ;  the  fecond  was  awakened 
by  neceffity  ;  and  the  third  he  acquired  by  ex- 
perience in  the  field  of  glory  and  danger,  which 
extended  his  fame  through  half  the  globe. 

In  the  late  war  between  England  and  France, 
Mr.  Wafhington  had  been  in  feveral  military 
rencounters,  and  had  particularly  fignalized 
himielf  in  the  unfortunate  expedition  under 
general  Bracldock,  in  the  wildernefs  on  the  bor- 
ders of  the  Ohio,  in  the  year  one  thoufand  fe- 
ven  hundred  and  fifty-five.  His  conduct  on 
that  occafion  raifed  an  eclat  of  his  valor  and 
prudence;  in  confequence  of  which  many  young 
gentlemen  from  all  parts  of  the  continent,  al- 
lured by  the  name  of  major  Wafhington,  volun- 
tarily entered  the  fervice,  proud  of  being  en- 
rolled in  the  lift  of  officers  under  one  eileemed 
fo  gallant  a  commander. 

General  Wafhington  arrived  at  the  camp  at 
Cambridge  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bofton, 
the  beginning  of  July,  one  thoufand,  feven  hun- 

*  The  late  king  of  PrufTia,  well  known  for  this  trait  in 
his  character,  by  all  who  are  acquainted  with  the  hiftory 
of  his  reign. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  235 


dred  and  feventy-iive.     He  was   accompanied 

by  feveral  officers  of  diftin&ion  from  the  fouth- 

1TT5. 
ern  ftates,   and   by    Charles    Lee  and    Horatio 

Gates,  both  natives  of  Great  Britain,  appointed 
now  to  high  rank  in  the  American  army. 
There  appeared  much  expectation  from  his  abil- 
ities, and  a  general  fatisfa&ion  in  the  appoint- 
ment of  Mr.  Wafhington  to  the  chief  com- 
mand. A  congratulatory  addrefs,  exprefiive  of 
their  efteem,  with  the  ftrongeft  aflurances  of 
their  aid  and  fupport,  to  enable  him  to  dif- 
charge  the  duties  of  his  arduous  and  exalted 
ftation,  was  prefented  him  from  the  provincial 
congrefs  of  Maflachufetts,  through  the  hand  of 
their  prefident,  James  Warren.  To  this  gentle* 
man,  general  Wafhington  brought  letters  of 
importance,  and  to  him  he  was  referred  for  ad- 
vice by  the  delegates  of  the  Maflachufetts, 
as  "  a  judicious,  confidential  friend,  who  would 
"  never  deceive  him." 

In  his  reply  to  this  addrefs,  general  Waming- 
ton  obferved,  "  That  in  leaving  the  enjoyments 
"  of  domeftic  life,  he  had  only  emulated  the 
"  virtue  and  public  fpirit  of  the  whole  province 
"  of  MaiTachufetts  Bay  ;  who  with  a  firmnefs 
"  and  patriotifm  without  example  in  hiftory, 
"  had  facrificed  the  comforts  of  focial  and  pri- 
"  vate  felicity,  in  fupport  of  the  rights  of  man- 
"  kind,  and  the  welfare  of  their  country,5'  In- 
deed all  ranks  were  emulous  to  manifeft  their 
refpecl  to  the  commander  of  the  army.  Multi- 


236  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vn.  tudes  flocked  from  every  quarter  to  the  Ameri- 
can ftandard,  and  within  a  few  weeks  the  envi- 
rons of  Bofton  exhibited  a  brave  and  high  fpi- 
rited  army,  which  formed  to  order,  difcipline, 
and  fubordination,  more  rapidly  than  could  have 
been  expected  from  their  former  habits.  Fired 
with  an  enthuiiafm  arifing  from  a  fenfe  of  the 
juftice  of  their  caufe  ;  ardent,  healthy,  and  vig- 
orous ;  they  were  eager  for  action,  and  impa- 
tient to  be  led  to  an  attack  on  the  town  of  Bof- 
ton, where  the  Britim  army  was  encamped. 
But  they  were  ftill  ignorant  that  both  private 
and  political  adventurers,  had  been  fo  negligent 
of  their  own  and  the  public  fafety,  as  to  pay 
little  attention  to  the  importation  of  powder, 
arms,  and  other  warlike  ftores,  previous  to  the 
prohibition  of  Britain,  reftricting  the  fhipment 
of  thofe  articles  to  America,  but  for  the  imme* 
diate  ufe  of  the  king's  troops. 

Thus  when  hoftilities  commenced,  and  a  war 
was  denounced  againft  the  colonies,   they   had 
innumerable  difficulties  to  furmount.     Several 
of  the  moft  formidable  powers  of  Europe   had 
been  invited  by  Britain  to  aid  the  cruel  pur- 
pofes  of  admiriiflration,   either  by  the  loan  of 
auxiliaries,  or  by  a  refuial  of  fupplies  to  the  in- 
fant dates,  now  itruggling  alone  againft  a  foe, 
whofe  power,  pride  and  fuccefs,  had  often  made 
the  nations  tremble.     On   a  retrofped:  of  the 
.     critical  lituation  of  America,   it  is  aflonifhing 
*     ihe  did  not  fall  at  the  threihold  ;  flie  had  new 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  237 


governments  to  erect  in  the  feveral  ftates,  her 
legiflatures  to  form,  and  her  civil  police  to  reg-  J  ^ 
ulate  on  untrodden  ground.  She  -had  her  ar- 
mies to  eftablifti,  and  funds  to  provide  for  their 
payment  :  me  had  her  alliances  to  negociate, 
new  fources  of  trade  to  ftrike  out,  and  a  navy 
to  begin,  while  the  thunder  of  Britain  was 
alarming  her  coafts,  the  favages  threatening  her 
borders,  and  the  troops  of  George  the  third, 
with  the  fword  uplifted,  puihing  their  execrable 
purpofe  to  exterminate  the  laft  veftige  of  free- 
dom. 

But  as  Providence  had  led  to  the  period  of 

independence,  the  powers  of  induftry  and  in- 

vention were   called   forth.     Not   difcouraged 

by  the  magnitude  of  the  work,  or  the  number- 

lefs  obftacles  to  the  completion  of  their  defign, 

no  difficulties  damped  the  ardor  and  unanimi- 

ty of  their  exertions,  though  for  a  time  it  ap- 

peared, as  if  their  magazines  muft  be  furnimed 

by  the  nitre  from  heaven,  and  the  ore  dug  by 

their  own  hands  from  the  bowels  of  the  earth. 

The  manufacture  of  falt-petre,  at  firft  confider- 

ed  as  the  ideal  project  of  fome  enthufiaft  for 

freedom,  was  not  only  attempted,  but  became 

the  eafy  occupation  of  women  and  children. 

Large   quantities   were  furnifhed  from  many 

parts  of  America,  and  powder-mills  were  erect- 

ed, which  worked   it  with  fuccefs.     Sulphur, 

lead,  and  iron  ore,  are  the  natural  productions  of 

the  country,  and  mountains  of  flint  had  recently 


238  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vii.  been  discovered  and  wrought  for  ufe.  As  nature 
7  had  thus  furnifhed  the  materials,  every  hand 
that  was  not  engaged  in  arms  was  employed  in 
arts,  with  an  alacrity  and  cheerfulnefs  that  dif- 
covered  a  determination  to  be  free.  Precipi- 
tated into  a  conflict  that  probably  might  light 
half  Europe  in  flames,  the  demand  was  too 
great,  and  the  procefs  too  flow,  to  rely  entirely 
on  the  efforts  of  genius  and  induftry. 

When  general  Wafhington  became  fully  ap- 
prized of  the  aflonifhing  deficiency  in  the  arti- 
cle of  powder,  having  been  led  into  a  iniiappre- 
henfion  of  the  ftock  on  hand,  by  irregular  re- 
turns, his  embarrafTment  was  great ;  he  imme- 
diately applied  for  advice-to  the  fpeaker  of  the 
houfe  of  reprefentatives,  who  judged  that  the 
moft  prompt  meafures  were  indifpenfably  necef- 
fary.  They  agreed  that  the  Beaker  mould  com- 
municate the  circumftance  to  a  few  members  who 
might  be  confidentially  entrufted  :  the  remit 
was,  that  committees  were  immediately  fent  by 
the  affembly  to  many  towns  in  the  province,  in 
a  cautious,  guarded  manner,  to  require  the 
ftocks  of  powder  on  hand  in  their  feveral  mag- 
azines. This  was  expeditioufly  effected,  and 
with  little  difficulty ;  but  the  coflection  was 
very  inadequate,  yet  fufficient  to  relieve  the 
anxiety  of  the  prefent  moment.  Happily  they 
were  not  apprized  within  the  walls  of  Bofton, 
of  the  poverty  of  their  antagonifts  without, 
particularly  in  this  article,  until  they  had  time 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  239 

fo  colled  the  fmall  itocks  from  the  neighbour-    CHAP.VH. 
ing  towns,   and  to  receive  lame,   though    far  7" 

from  an  ample  iupply,  from  the  fouthern  colo- 
nies. At  this  mils,  had  general  Gage  ventur- 
ed without  his  entrenchments,  both  the  Ameri- 
can army  and  the  people,  muft  have  been  in- 
volved in  extreme  diftrefs. 

Several  veflels  had  been  privately  fent'both 
to  the  Dutch  and  Engliih  iflands  to  procure 
arms  and  ammunition  ;  but  fo  narrowly  were 
they  watched  by  the  Britifli  cruifers,  that 
they  had  returned  with  little  fuccefs. 

Thefe  circumftances  ^accelerated  a  fpirited  mea- 
fure,  before  contemplated  only  by  a  few  ;  the 
arming  and  equipping  of  mips  to  cruize  on 
Britifh  property,  was  a  bold  attempt,  that 
ftartled  the  appr ehenlions  of  many,  zealoufly 
oppofed  to  the  undue  exercife  of  Britifh  power  ; 
but  neceffity  impelled,  and  the  enterprize  was 
purfued.  The  general  aflembly  of  the  Mafla- 
chuietts  foon  refolved  to  build,  equip  and  arm, 
a  number  of  veflels  fuitable  for  the  purpofe,  to 
cruize  and  capture  any  Britiih  mips  that  might 
be  found  on,  or  near  their  coafts.  They  grant- 
ed letters  of  marque  and  reprifal  to  feveral  ad- 
venturers, and  appointed  courts  of  admiralty 
for  the  trial  and  condemnation  of  any  captures 
within  thofe  limits.  By  thefe  means,  the  fea- 
fonable  capture,  in  the  beginning  of  this  enter- 
prife,  of  a  Britifli  (hip,  laden  with  ordnance, 
and  an  afforted  cargo  of  warlike  ftores,  fuffi- 


240  THE  RISE  AND  PROGRESS  OF 

CHAP.  vii.       dently  fupplied  the  exigencies  of  the  army,  arid 
~~      — •    diffipated  the  fears  of  thofe,  who  had  fuffered 

the  moft  painful  apprehenfions  for  the  fafety 

of  their  country. 

Thefe  naval  preparations  may  perhaps  be 
faid,  not  to  have  been  merely  of  a  defenfive 
nature,  the  line  yet  avowedly  obferved  by  the 
Americans ;  but  they  had  advanced  too  far  to 
recede  ;  fophiftical  diftinftions  of  words,  or 
names,  were  laid  afide.  It  is  a  facl,  of  which 
every  one  is  fenfible,  that  fuccefsful  oppoiition 
to  arbitrary  fway,  places  a  civic  crown  on  the 
head  of  the  hero  that  refills  ;  when  contin- 
gencies that  defeat  confer  an  hempen  cord  in- 
ftead  of  a  wreath  of  laurel.  The  fuccefs  and 
cataftrophe  of  the  infant  navy  of  America,  will 
be  fhewn  in  the  fucceeding  pages. 

The  naked  ftate  of  the  magazines  had  been 

o 

kept  as  fecret  as  poffible,  and  every  prepa- 
ration for  attack  or  defence,  had  been  made, 
as  if  no  deficiency  was  felt,  while  there 
were  not  three  rounds  of  powder  in  the 
American  camp.  Lines  of  circiimvallation 
had  been  formed  from  Myftick  river  to 
Roxbury  and  Dorchefter.  But,  notwithftand- 
ing  the  appearance  of  ftrerigth,  the  collec- 
tion of  numbers,  and  the  hoftile  difpofition  of 
both  parties,  nothing  of  confequence  was  at- 
tempted by  either,  after  the  action  of  the  feven- 
teenth  of  June,  during  the  remainder  of  Gage's 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  241 

adminiftration.      This  inactivity   was   heavily    CHAP.  vn. 
cenfured  by  the  more  ardent  fpirits  both  with-  - 

in  and  without  the  camp  ;  it  was  thought  dif- 
graceful  on  the  one  fide,  nor  would  it  have 
been  lefs  dishonorable  on  the  other,  had  not 
their  inability  from  the  caufes  juft  mentioned 
prevented  more  vigorous  movements.  Yet, 
from  the  circumftances  of  the  colonies,  their 
petition  to  the  king  ftill  pending,  and  their  al- 
legiance not  formally  renounced,  it  was  judged 
by  many,  moft  prudent  for  the  American  ar- 
my, to  remain  for  the  prefent  only  on  the  de- 
fenfive. 

Governor  Gage  obtained  leave  to  repair  to 
England  in  the  autumn  of  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  feventy-five.  It  was  indeed  un- 
fortunate for  him,  that  he  had  been  appointed 
to  the  command  of  an  army  and  the  govern- 
ment of  a  province,  without  the  talents  that 
qualified  for  the  times.  He1  was  naturally  a 
man  of  a  humane  difpofition,  nor  had  his  cou- 
rage ever  been  impeached ;  but  he  had  not  the 
intrigue  of  the  ftatefman  to  balance  the  par- 
ties, nor  the  fagacity  neceffary  to  defeat 
their  defigns ;  nor  was  he  poflefled  of  that 
foldierly  promptitude  that  leaves  no  interval 
between  the  determination  and  the  execution 
of  his  projects.  Glad  to  quit  the  thorny  field, 
he  bade  adieu  to  a  country  he  had  not  the  abil- 
ity, and  perhaps  not  the  inclination  to  fubduet 
and  the  command  of  the  army  devolved  on  Sir 
William  Howe. 

voi,.  i.  2~*.e 


242  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP  vn.  General  Oglethorpe,  his  fenior  in  office,   an 

'  experienced   veteran,   grown  old  in    military 

fame  without  fullying  his  laurels,  had  the  prior 
offer  of  this   command.     He  agreed  to  accept 
the    appointment  on    condition   the   miniftry 
would  authorize   him    to    aifure  the   colonies, 
that  juftice  Ihould  be  done  them.    His  propofal 
at  once  appeared  the  refult  of  humanity  and 
equity  ;  he  declared,  that  "  he  knew  the  peo- 
"  pie  of  America  well  ;  that  they  never  would 
"  be  fubdued  by  arms,  but  that  their  obedi- 
"  ence  would  be  ever  fecured  by  doing  them 
"  juftice."*     A  man  with  thefe  ideas  was  not 
a   fit  inftrument  for  the   defigns  of  the  Britiih 
government  :  he  was  therefore,    agreeable  to 
his  own  requeft,  permitted  to  remain  at  home, 
where  he  was  a  quiet  fpeftator  of  the  folly  of 
his  country   through  a   feven  years  war  with 
the   colonies.!     On    his  declining  the  appoint- 
ment, the  important  and  hazardous,  command 
was  given  to   general  Howe,  a  man  of  pleafure 
and  a  foldier  ;  but  the  predominancy  of  the 

*  Britiili  Annual  Regifter. 

f  Ceneral  Oglethorpe  had  beefn  diftinguifhed  for  the 
benevolence  of  his  difpofitlon  through  all  his  tranfactions 
in  America,  where  he  had  refided  feveral  years.  His 
mildnefs  and  equity  towards  the  natives  in  the  early  fet- 
tlement  of  the  ftate  of  Georgia,  and  his  conduct  both  in 
a  civil  and  military  capacity,  had  won  the  efteem  and  af- 
fection of  the  inhabitants  of  the  fouthern  colonies,  the  appro- 
bationof  hisfovereign,and  theapplaufe  of  hisnative  country. 
^  Modern  Univerfal  Hiflory,  vol.  XL, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  243 

firft  trait  in  his  character  often  interfered  with    CHAP.VH. 
the   vigour    and  deciiion  neceffary  to  complete         ^T" 
the  laft.     Early  on  his  promotion,  his  feverity 
and  indifcretion  erafed  the  favorable  impreflion 
which  many  in  America  yet  cherifhed  for  his 

name  and  family. 

t 

In  the  beginning  of  his  adminiftration,  he 
publilhed  a  proclamation  condemning  to  mili- 
tary execution  any  of  the  remaining  inhabit- 
ants of  Bofton,  who  mould  attempt  to  leave 
the  town ;  he  compelled  them  to  form  them- 
felves  into  bodies  under  officers  he  fhould  ap- 
point, and  to  take  arms  in  cafe  of  an  attack, 
againft  their  brethren  in  the  country.  Yet  for 
a  certain  fura  of  money,  he  promifed  an  ex- 
emption from  the  cruel  talk  of  imbruing  their 
hands  in  the  blood  of  their  friends.  But  the 
moft  memorable  eve/nt  that  took  place,  while 
he  prefided  in  the  province,  previous  to  the 
evacuation  of  Boiton,  was  the  cannonade  and 
deftrudion  of  Falmouth,  a  flouriming  and 
well-built  town  in  the  eaftern  parts  of  the  Maf- 
fachufetts. 

Alarm  and  depredation  had  fpread  from  more 
to  more  through  all  the  fea  coafts  of  America  ; 
their  {hipping  were  feized,  their  iflands  plun- 
dered, their  harbors  infefted  by  the  landing  of 
marauding  parties,  and  many  places  threatened 
with  immediate  conflagration.  Briftol,  near 
Rhode  liland,  had  been  attacked  in  a  dark 


5244  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vii.  ftormy  night,  and  an  hundred  and  twenty  can- 
'  ~  non  fired  on  that  defencelefs  town  within  an 
hour.  Many  houfes  were  injured,  arid  fome  fet 
on  fire  ;  a  remarkable  iicknefs  had  raged  in  the 
town  for  fome  time,  and  the  languiftiing  inhab- 
itants were  now  hurried  into  the  ftreets  in  their 
beds,  to  preferve  them  from  immediate  death 
in  the  conflagration  of  their  houfes.*  This 
was  an  uncivil  mode  of  demanding  a  tax  of 
cattle,  fheep,  and  hogs,  for  the  fupply  of  the 
fquadron  of  captain  (afterwards)  Sir  James 
Wallace,  who  had  for  many  months  harafled 
and  diftreffed  the  ftate  of  Rhode  Ifland. 

This  rude  attack  upon  Briftol,  took  place  on- 
ly eight  days  previous  to  the  wanton  defolation 
which  on  the  eve  of  winter  ftripped  the  inhab- 
itants of  Falmouth,  both  of  flicker  and  provi- 
fions,  and  drove  them  "naked  into  the  wilder- 
nefs,  uncertain  of  any  accommodations  to  fecure 
them  from  the  inclemency  of  the  feafon.  One 
captain  Mowatt,  who  had  recently  been  a  prif- 
on«r  there,  and  had  received  the  moft  hof- 
pitable  treatment  from  the  inhabitants,  was 
the  inftrument  to  execute  this  deed  of  unpro- 
voked barbarity.  It  is  true  he  notified  the 
town,  that  "  he  would  give  them  two  hours 

*  The  Rev.  Mr.  Burt,  diftinguifned  for  his  piety,  be- 
nevolence, and  attachment  to  the  liberties  of  his  country, 
was  fouod  dead  in  a  field  the  morning  after  the  confla- 
gration. He  had  fled  from  his  bed  where  he  was  confined 
by  ficknefs,  to  efcape  the  flames  that  ctmfumed  his  houfe. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

"  to  remove  the  human  fpecies^  at  the  period  of  CHAP. 
"  which  term,  a  red  pendant  would  be  hoifted  ~  . 
"  at  the  main-top-gallant-mail  head,  and  that 
"  on  the  leaft  reiiftance  he  mould  be  freed  from 
"  all  humanity  di&ated  by  his  orders  or  his  in- 
"  clination."* 

Three  gentlemen  repaired  on  board  his  ftup 
to  inquire  the  reafon  of  this  extraordinary  fum- 
mons.  Mowatt  replied,  that  "  he  had  orders 
"  to  fet  on  fire  all  the  fea-port  towns  from  Bof- 
"  ton  to  Halifax,  and  that  he  fuppofed  New- 
"  York  was  already  in  aflies."  He  faid,  "  he 
"  could  difpenfe  with  his  orders  on  no  terms 
"  but  the  compliance  of  the  inhabitants  to  de- 
"  liver  up  their  arms  and  ammunition, and  their 
"  fending  on  board  a  fupply  of  proviiions,  four 
"  carriage-guns,  and  the  fame  number  of  the 
"  principal  perfons  in  the  town,  as  hoftages,  that 
"  they  mould  engage  not  to  unite  with  their 
"  country  in  any  kind  of  oppofition  to  Bi'i- 
u  tain."  He  affured  them  that  on  a  refufal  of 
thefe  conditions,  he  mould  lay  the  town  in  afhes 
within  three  hours. 

Unprepared  for  fuch  an  attack,  and  intimi- 
dated by  the  roar  of  cannon,  which  began  to 
play  on  the  town,  the  people  fupplicated  a  fuf- 
penfion  till  the  morning  before  they  replied  to 
the  humiliating  propofal.  They  improved  the 

*  The  above  Is  an  exatf  copy  of  Mowatt's  letter.  See 
Britifh  Remembrancer. 


246  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  VH.  fliort  reprieve  which  with  difficulty  they  ob- 
I  tained,  in  removing  their  families  and  effects  ; 
after  which  they  made  no  further  reliftance, 
not  even  to  the  marines  who  landed  with  light- 
ed torches  to  make  the  devaftation  complete. 
In  this  defencelefs  fituation,  the  inhabitants 
/  confidered  oppofition  only  as  a  ufelefs  wafte  of 
human  life,  and  many  of  them  flood  on  the 
heights,  the  paflive  fpeclators  of  the  fire  that 
played  on  the  town  through  the  day.  They 
beheld  with  various  emotions,  a  conflagration 
that  reduced  many  of  them  to  penury  and  def- 
pair  ;  thus,  were  they  prepared  for  the  occu- 
pation of  foldiers,  and  driven  to  the  field  from 
the  double  motive  of  refentment  and  the  necef- 
fity  of  immediate  fubfiftence. 

New  York,  Stonington,  Newport,  and  many 
other  places  were  threatened,  but  did  not  expe- 
rience a  fimilar  fate.  The  laft,  lituated  on  an 
ifland,  was  obliged  to  ftipulate  for  a  weekly  fup- 
ply  ,to  fave  their  town  from  the  fury  of  the  pirati- 
cal corfairs  that  furrounded  them,  who  proud- 
ly boafted  of  the  civility  and  generofity  of  their 
nation.  England  has  indeed  J)een  long  cele- 
brated for  magnanimity,  clemency,  and  human- 
ity ;  but  it  is  with  nations  as  with  individuals, 
when  human  nature  falls  from  virtue,  it  gen- 
erally finks  into  the  extremes  of  vice,  in  propor- 
tion as  it  was  before  confpicuous  for  fuperior 
excellence.  :* 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  247 

Thus,  the  monarch  divefted  of  compaffion, 
and  the  miniftry  of  principle,  the  naval  ftrength 
of  Britain,  the  miftrefs  of  the  feas,  and  the  ter- 
ror of  Europe,  was  employed  to  interrupt  the 
commerce,   lay  wafte   the   cities,   deftroy   the 
towns,  and  plunge  the  inhabitants   of  America 
in  mifery  and  defpair  ;  forgetful  that  me  was 
ever  contributing  by  the  acquifitions  of  her  in- 
duftry  to  the  ftrength  of  Britain.     Nor   wag 
America  yet  fufficiently  irritated,  to  renounce 
her  allegiance  to   the  king,  or   relinquish  her 
connexion   with    England,   cemented   by  the 
ftrong  ties  of  habit  and  confanguinity,  language, 
religion,  and  manners.     Yet,  though  there  was 
no  formal   diffolution  of  the  legal  bands   that- 
that  had  united   them,   the  frequent  outrages 
experienced  by  Americans,  convinced  them  of 
the  neceflity  of  fome  effectual  naval  prepara- 
tions on  their  part.     This  was  fo  obvious,  that 
Congrefs  no  longer  delayed  atHng  with  decifion 
on  a  meafure  that  had  been  balanced  by  vari- 
ous opinions.    They  directed  general  Warning- 
ton  to  contract  for  a  number  of  armed  vefiels 
to  cruife  abroad,  to  defend  the  fea  coafts  at 
home,  and  as  far  as  it  was  practicable,  to  cap- 
ture Britifh  property  wherever  it  might  be 
found. 

Many  gentlemen,  fanguine  in  opinion,  that 
an  American  navy  was  no  Utopian  project,  but 
that  her  marine  might  rapidly  rife  to  a  refpect- 
able  height,  engaged  with  an  energy  that  fel- 


248  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vn.  dom  fails  of  carrying  inio  execution  any  at> 
T~7""  tempt  the  human  mind,  on  principles  of  reafon, 
is  capable  of  forming.  They  accordingly  built 
on  the  large  rivers  from  Portfmouth  to  Penn- 
fylvania,  a  number  of  veflels,  row-gallies,  and 
frigates,  from  four  to  forty  guns  ;  fitted,  man- 
ned, and  completely  equipped  them  for  fea  in 
the  courfe  of  a  few  months.  All  encourage- 
ment was  given  both  to  public  and  private  ad- 
venturers who  engaged  in  the  fea  fervice  ;  fuc- 
cefs  was  equal  to  expectation  ;  many  very  valu- 
able prizes,  and  a  vaft  number  of  provision  vef- 
fels  from  England,  Ireland,  and  Nova  Scotia, 
were  captured,  and  by  this  means  the  Americans 
were  foon  fupplied,  not  only  with  the  neceffa- 
ries  for  war,  but  with  the  conveniences  and  the 
luxuries  of  life. 

While  things  remained  in  this  lituation  in 
Bofton,  and  along  the  Atlantic  more,  a  very 
bufy  and  important  fcene  was  acting  in  another 
quarter  of  America.  The  conqueft  of  Quebec 
by  the  immortal  Wolfe,  in  conjunction  with  the 
bold  and  hardy  New  Englanders,  is  a  ftory  well 
known  in  the  annals  of  Britain.  On  the  peace 
concluded  with  France  at  Fontainbleau,  in  the 
duke  of  Bedford's  adminiftration,  the  whole 
province  of  Canada  was  ceded  to  the  crown  of 
England,  in  lieu  of  more  valuable  acquifitions 
relinquiihed  to  France.  Moft  of  the  inhabitants 
of  the  country  were  French,  fome  of  them  no- 
bleffe,  and  all  of  ttem  attached  to  their  former 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  249 

mafter.  The  Roman  Catholic  faith  was  the  ef-  CHAP.VH. 
tablifhed  religion  of  the  country,  yet  the  Cana- 
dians  were  in  all  refpecls  to  be  governed  ac- 
cording to  the  kws  of  England,  until  the  Que- 
bec bill,  the  fubject  of  much  political  difunion 
m  England,  paffed  into  an  act,  in  one  thoufand 
feven  hundred  and  feventy-four.  This  acl  cut 
the  Canadians  off  from  the  privileges  of  Englifh 
fubjedts,  denied  them  an  afTembly  of  their  own 
on  the  principles  of  the  Britiih  conftitution,  de- 
prived them  of  the  trial  by  jury  in  civil  pro- 
ceiTes  ;  the  laws  of  France  were  reilored,  and 
the  boundaries  of  the  province  were  extended 
far  beyond  the  juft  limits  :  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion  alfo  was  not  only  to  be  tolerated,  but 
was  eftablifhed  by  acl  of  parliament.  This  was 
very  offenfive  both  to  the  French  and  the  Eng- 
lifh inhabitants,  who  found  their  interefts  in- 
feparably  connected.  Thefe  new  regulations 
weFe  made  with  a  view  of  fixing  the  Canadians 
more  firmly  in  the  intereft  of  the  miniftry  ;  but 
as  they  had  tafted  the  advantages  of  a  lefs  def- 
potic  government,  the  people  ic  general  had 
adopted  more  liberal  modes  of  thinking,  both 
in  civil  and  religious  matters  ;  and  moft  of  the 
inhabitants  were  equally  diflatisfied  with  the 
late  parliamentary  regulations. 

The  Quebec  acl:,  unpopular  in  England,  and 
alarming  in  America,  was  particularly  dif- 
gufting  to  all  th,e  Englifh  fettlers  in  Canada,  ex- 

VOL.  j.    •  2....H 


23O  TriE    RISB»  AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vn.  cept  a  few  individuals  employed  by  the  crown. 
Neither  the  authority  of  adminiftration,  nor 
the  addrefs  of  governor  Carleton,  was  fufficient 
to  quiet  the  diforders  that  arofe,  or  to  induce 
the  Canadians  in  this  early  ftage  of  the  difpute^ 
to  take  arms  to  aflift  in  the  fubjugation  of  the 
other  colonies.  They  murmured  loudly  at  the 
meafures  of  the  Britifli  government ;  they  re- 
fufed  peremptorily  to  act  againft  the  United 
States,  and  feveral  of  the  principal  Englilh  in- 
habitants correfponded  with  fome  of  the  mem- 
bers of  Congrefs,  and  encouraged  the  meafures 
that  were  taken  to  bring  the  province  of  Can- 
ada into  an  union  with  the  thirteen  colonies. 

Thus  it  required  no  fmall  intrigue  to  inftigate 
even  the  favages  who  delight  in  blood,  to  the 
commiilion    of  unprovoked   hoftilities,  which 
would  interrupt  the  traffic  carried  on  between 
them  and  the  frontiers  of  the  other  provinces. 
It  has  been  juftly  obferved,  "  that  the  introduc- 
"  tion  of  barbarians  and  favages  into  the  con- 
"  tefts  of  civilized  nations,  is  a  meafure  preg- 
"  nant   with   fhame  and   mifchief,  which  the 
"  intereft  of  a  moment  may  impel,  but  which 
"  is  reprobated  by  the  beft  principles  of  hu- 
"  manity  and  reafon."*     But  thefe  were  not  the 
principles  on  which  the  American  war  was  con- 
dueled.     Congrefs  had  authentic  information, 
that  every  method  was  ufed  to  induce  thefavages 

*  Gibbon  on  the  decline  and  fall  of  the  Roman  empire. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  251 

to  take  up  the  hatchet  againft  the  Americans.  CHAP.  MI. 
Several  conferences  had  been  held  the  preceding  _Va 
fummer,  with  many  of  their  chiefs  affembled  at 
Montreal.  This  was  in  confequence  of  the 
machinations  of  colonel  Johnfon,  a  famous  In- 
dian partifan  in  the  laft  war,  whofe  influence 
among  them  was  very  extenfive.  In  thefe  con- 
ferenc;es  he  gave  each  of  them  a  war  belt  and  a 
tomahawk ;  invited  them  to  drink  the  blood, 
and  feaft  on  the  body  of  a  Bo/Ionian,  and  to  iing 
the  war-fong  over  a  roafted  bullock  and  a  pipe 
of  wine  he  had  prepared  for  the  purpofe  ;  but 
feveral  of  them  declined  either  to  eat,  drink,  or 
fing  the  barbarous  fong.  They  afterwards  de- 
livered up  the  black  belt  with  the  hatchet  de- 
pictured  thereon,  to  fome  of  the  American 
officers.* 

Thefe  tranfa&ions  were  confidered  as  incon- 
teftable  proof,  that  adminiftration  was  determin- 
ed to  employ  as  their  allies,  the  fierce  and  nu- 
merous hordes  of  the  wildernefs,  to  fubdue  and 
butcher  the  Americans,  even  before  they  had 
thrown  off  their  allegiance  to  the  crown  of  Bri- 
tain. It  had  alfo  been  recently  difcovered,  that 
governor  Carleton  had  received  a  commiffion, 
authorizing  him  to  mufter  and  arm  all  perfons 
refiding  within  the  province  of  Canada,  and, 
"  as  occafion  fliould  require,  to  march  and  em- 
"  bark  the  levies  to  any  of  the  provinces  of 

*  General  Schuyler's  letter,  Dec.  i4th,  1775,  published 
by  order  of  congrefs. 


252  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vii.      "  America,  to  purfue  and  profecute  either  by 

"" "~    "  fea  or  land,  all   enemies,  pirates,  or    rebels, 

"  either  in  or  out  of  the  province  ;  and  if  it 
"  fhould  fo  pleafe  God,  them  to  vanquim,  to 
"  take,  and  fo  apprehended,  according  to  law, 
"  them  to  put  to  death,  or  to  preferve  alive,  at 
"  his  difcretion."*' 

A  detail  of  the  fufferings  of  one  family  will 
evince  the  wretched  fituation  of  all  in  that 
province  who  had  the  courage  to  complain  of 
the  meafures  of  adminiftration,  or  indulged  a 
favorable  opinion  of  the  exertions  of  the  other 
colonies.  The  fingular  mode  of  bending  the 
minds  of  men  of  liberal  opinions  to  the  deligns 
of  government,  was  firft  experimented  on  Mr. 
Walker,  an  Englifli  gentleman  of  fortune  and 
abilities,  who  had  been  many  years  a  refident 
at  Montreal.  His  avowed  diflike  of  the  Quebec 
bill,  drew  on  him  the  refentment  of  the  officers 
of  government,  and  involved  him  in  altercation 
and  danger.  He  had,  in  anfwer  to  the  fervile 
maxim — •"  Qui  le  rot,  eft  maitre" — repeated  by 
one  Rouvelle,  coolly  replied,  that  "  with  regard 
"  to  monfieur  Rouvelle,  it  might  be  fo,  as  he 
"  ate  his  majefty's  bread  ;"  but  added,  "  I  deny 
"  that  the  king  is  my  nuifter :  I  refpecl:  him  as 
*'  my  lawful  fovereign,  and  am  ready  to  pay 

*  The  whole  of  general  Carleton's  extraordinary  cora- 
miffion  may  be  feen  in  the  parliamentary  regifter  of  Nov. 
?d,  in  the  fecond  feilions  of  the  then  parliament. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  25S 

"  due  obedience  to  his  lawful  commands  ;  but 
"  I  cannot  acknowlege  any  one  as  my  mafter 
"  while  I  live  by  my  own  induftry  ;  when  I  re- 
"  ceive  pay  from  the  king,  perhaps  my  ac- 
"  knowledgments  may  be  equally  fubmiffive." 
Rouvelle  immediately  informed  general  Carle- 
ton  of  this  converfation  ;  his  prudence  was 
commended,  and  he  was  foon  after  appointed 
one  of  the  judges  of  the  fupreme  court  at  Mon- 
treal. This  appointment  was  equally  aftonifh- 
ing  to  the  French  inhabitants,  as  it  was  difguft- 
ing  to  the  Engliili.  Men  of  all  del criptions  had 
a  very  ill  opinion  of  Rouvelle.  The  recent  con- 
verfation between  him  and  Mr.  Walker  was 
mifreprefented  and  exaggerated.  The  partifans 
of  the  crown  and  the  officers  of  the  army  were 
highly  exafperated  againft  him  ;  and  foon  after, 
refentment  was  carried  fo  far  a,s  to  attempt  the 
aflaffination  of  Mr.  Walker. 

A  number  of  foldiers  under  the  command  of  a 
captain  Difney,  entered  his  houfe  in  the  eve- 
ning, when  at  fupper  with  a  few  friends.  On 
a  fudden  noife  at  the  door  of  the  hall,  Mrs.  Walker 
imagined  it  to  be  ibme  Canadians,  who  had  been 
the  preceding  day  on  bufmefs^with  Mr.  Walker, 
as  an  officer  of  juftice.  Without  any  hefitation 
ihe  pronounced  entrez  ;  but  to  her  inexpreffible 
furprife,  the  next  moment  me  faw  through  the 
glafles  of  the  inner  door,  a  number  of  faces,  fome 
of  them  blacked,  others  covered  with  a  vizard 
of  crape,  all  rifing  on  the  fteps,  and  rufliing  with 


5254  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vir.  precipitation  (Jnto  the  room  :  in  an  agony  of 
177  furprife  flie  exclaimed,  "  Good  God,  this  is 
"  murder  !"  Mr.  Walker  fat  with  his  back  to 
the  door,  and  before  he  had  time  to  rife,  he  re- 
ceived from  one  of  the  ruffians,  a  violent  ftroke 
of  a  broad  fword  on  his  head  \  he  attempted  to 
recover  his  arms  and  defend  himfelf,  but  wound- 
ed in  a  moft  cruel  manner,  he  funk  motionlefs 
on  the  floor,  when  one  of  the  villains  kneeled 
on  his  breaft,  and  cut  off  his  right  ear,  while  he 
fo  far  retained  his  fenfes  as  to  hear  one  of  them 
fay,  "  damn  him,  he  is  dead." 

After  recovering  from  his  wounds,  he  com- 
menced a  civil  procefs  againft  Difney  and  hig 
party.  The  crime  was  proved  with  all  its  atro- 
cious aggravations,  but  juftice  had  not  its  ope- 
ration, either  in  compenfation  to  the  fufferer, 
or  punilhment  of  the  guilty.  Mr.  Walker  find- 
ing himfelf  unfafe  in  the  city,  retired  to  his 
country-houfe,  determined  to  amufe  himfelf 
with  his  books  and  his  farm,  without  farther 
attention  to  political  or  public  fcenes  ;  but  his 
perfecution  was  not  at  an  end ;  he  had  not  long 
relided  in  his  villa,  before  he  was  molefled  in  a 
ftill  more  barbarous  manner. 

A  party  of  thirty  foldiers  was  fent  by  gover- 
nor Carleton,  to  bring  him  dead  or  alive  to 
Quebec*  They  furrounded  his  houfe  juft  be- 
fore day,  and  fummoned  him  to  furrender.  In- 
ftead  of  a  compliance,  he  courageouily  endea- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  255 


voured  to  defend  himfelf  and  his  family,  until 
the  party  without  fet  fire  to  his  houfe  in  feve- 
ral  places,  when  he  was  obliged  to  efcape  the 
flames  by  throwing  himfelf  from  the  third  ftory. 
In  the  fall  from  a  window  of  fuch  a  height,  one 
of  his  legs  was  broken,  which  left  him  to  the 
mercy  of  his  antagonills,  who  made  him  their 
prifoner,  and  conducted  him  to  Quebec,  where 
he  was  loaded  with  irons,  denied  the  ufe  of  pen, 
ink,  and  paper,  and  forbidden  even  the  light  of 
a  taper  in  his  darkfome  cell. 

IVffs.  Walker,  a  lady  of  great  elegance  and 
fenfibility,  had  in  the  terror  of  the  night,  leap- 
ed from  a  fecond  ilory  window,  and  walked 
through  the  fnow  till  exhaufted  by  fear  and  fa- 
tigue, Ihe  was  overtaken  by  one  of  the  party, 
who  had  the  companion  to  throw  his  cloak  over 
her,  and  conduct  her  to  a  neighbouring  houfe. 
She  foon  after  made  her  efcape  from  that  part 
of  the  country  over  the  lakes,  accompanied  by 
the  commiflioners,  congrefs  had  fome  time  be- 
fore fent  on,  to  confer  with  and  fecure  the  in- 
tereil  of  the  Canadians.  The  boat  in  which  fhe 
crofled  one  of  thofe  inland  leas,  pafled  another 
sJmoft  within  call,  which  conveyed  her  hufband 
a  prifoner  to  Quebec. 

It  has  already  been  obferved,  that  an  addrefs 
had  been  fent  by  Congrefs  to  the  inhabitants 
of  Canada,  couched  in  nervous,  friendly  and 
pathetic  terms,  reminding  them  of  their  com- 


256  THE  RISE  AND  PROGRESS  OF 

CHAP.  vn.      mon  danger,  and  urging  them  to  a  union  with 

— ~ the  other  colonies  in  defence  of  their  common 

rights.  But  the  mixture  of  French,  Britifli, 
American,  and  favage  inhabitants  of  that  coun- 
try, rendered  it  very  uncertain  how  far  the 
other  colonies  might  depend  on  the  aid  or 
friendfhip  of  the  Canadians.  Congrefs  appriz- 
ed of  the  iituation  of  affairs  there,  judged  it 
prudent  to  endeavour  to  engage  the  people  of  all 
defcriptions  in  that  quarter,  more  firmly  to  the 
Uitereft  of  the  union.  It  was  thought  a  favora- 
ble criiis  for  this  purpofe,  when  the  flower  of 
the  Britim  troops  then  in  America,  were  fhut 
up  in  Bofton ;  and  when  the  governors  of  the 
fouthern  provinces,  interrupted  in  their  nego- 
ciations  with  the  Indians,  had  taken  refuge  on 
board  the  king's  mips,  either  from  real  or  im- 
agined perfonal  danger.  This  was  an  impor- 
tant bufinefs,  as  whoever  poffeffes  Canada  will 
in  a  great  mcafure  command  the  numerous 
tribes  beyond  the  lakes.  A  refpectable  delega- 
tion was  fent  to  Montreal,  to  treat  with  the 
white  inhabitants,  and  as  far  as  poffible  to  con- 
ciliate or  fecure  the  copper-colored  nations. 

The  importance  of  poffeffing  Canada,  ftrong- 
]y  impreffed  the  minds  at  this  time,  of  gentle- 
men of  the  firft  penetration.  A  very  refpecla- 
ble  committee  was  fent  by  congrefs  into  the 
country,  with  Dr.  Franklin  at  the  head  of  the 
miffion  ;  whofe  talents  as  a  ftatefman,  perfect 
knowledge  of  the  French  language,  extenfrve 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  257 

literary  acquaintance  with  that  nation,  urbanity 
of  manners,  courteous  deportment,  united  with 
a  pfudent  referve,  marked  him  as  a  fuitable 
character  to  negociate  with,  and  endeavour  to 
attach  the  Canadians  of  all  defcriptions  to  the 
American  union.  Mr.  Carrol  of  Maryland,  a 
clergyman  of  the  Roman  Catholic  profeflion, 
was  fent  on  with  the  delegation,  to  adminifter 
the  ordinances  of  religion,  baptifm,  abfolution, 
&c.,  which  they  had  been  denied  for  feme  time 
by  their  clergy  under  BritMh  influence  ;  who, 
inftead  of  beftowing  the  bleflings  of  the  church, 
had  denounced  their  anathemas,  to  the  great 
grievance  of  many  tender  confciences,  and 
threatened  the  vengeance  of  heaven,  as  well  as 
earth,  on  failure  of  due  fubmiffion  to  parliamen- 
tary mandates. 

Thefe  efforts  to  engage  and  fix  the  Canadians 
to  a  certain  point  failed ;  the  committee  return- 
ed with  little  fuccefs.  Words  and  profeflions 
are  of  little  avail  when  the  fword  is,  or  is  about 
to  be,  lifted  for  decifion.  Congrefs  now  found 
that  a  force  fufficient  to  ftrengthen  the  hands 
of  their  friends  in  that  province,  was  the  only 
mode  to  be  relied  on.  In  coufequence  of  this 
neceffity,  they  directed  two  regiments  of  New 
York  militia,  and  a  body  of  New  Englanders, 
confifting  in  the  whole  of  about  three  thoufand 
men,  to  proceed  under  the  command  of  the 
generals  Schuyler  and  Montgomery,  by  the  lake 

VOL.  I.  2....I 


258  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vn.  Champlain  to  the  river  Sorel,  which  empties  it- 
~~~  felf  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  immediately  at- 
tempt the  reduction  of  Quebec.  They  arrived 
at  the  IJle  Noix,  which  lies  at  the  entrance  of 
that  river,  in  the  autumn  of  one  thoufand 
feven  hundred  and  feventy-five. 

The  commander  there  publifhed  a  declaration 
announcing  the  reafons  of  this  movement,  and 
inviting  the  inhabitants  of  every  defcription  to 
arrange  themfelves  under  the  banners  of  liberty, 
and  unite  in  the  common  caufe  of  America. 
After  this,  they  immediately  pufhed  on  through 
woods,  fwamps,  and  moraffes,  to  a  fort  about 
twelve  miles  diftance  :  here,  an  unexpected  at- 
tack from  a  large  body  of  Indians,  obliged  them 
to  retreat  to  their  former  poft,  and  wait  the  ar- 
rival of  reinforcements. 

On  this  retreat  to  the  IJle  Noix,  general  Schuy- 
ler  immediately  returned  to  Albany ;  the  often- 
fible  reafon  was,  the  broken  ftate  of  his  health, 
which  indeed  was  fo  impaired,  as  to  render  him 
unfit  for  the  fatigue  of  fuch  a  fervice.  Thus 
the  whole  weight  of  the  war  in  that  quarter, 
was  left  to  the  intrepid  Montgomery ;  who 
though  qualified  by  his  courage,  capacity,  and 
military  experience,  was  not  in  force  fufficient 
for  fo  great  an  undertaking.  He,  however,  not- 
withftanding  the  vigilance  of  general  Carleton, 
made  himfelf  matter  of  the  forts  of  Chamblee 
and  St.  John's,  and  with  various  other  fucceffes 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  259 

arrived  at  Montreal,  about  the  middle  of  No-  CHAP.  vn. 
vember.  General  Carleton  had  arrived  there 
fome  time  before,  and  had  made  every  exertion 
for  the  prefervation  of  all  the  pofts  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood, as  well  as  thofe  above  mentioned  ; 
but  the  people  difaffe&ed,  and  his  army  weak, 
his  efforts  were  blafted,  and  he  thought  himfelf 
happy  to  efcape  the  vigilance  of  Montgomery  ; 
who  had  placed  guards  at  every  poft  for  his  in- 
terception :  he,  however,  in  a  dark  night,  in 
an  open  boat,  fortunately  palled  them  all,  and 
arrived  at  Quebec  in  fafety. 

When  general  Montgomery  arrived  at  Mon- 
treal, the  inhabitants,  both  French  and  Englifh, 
wiihed  to  furrender  by  capitulation  ;  but  with  a 
fpirit  and  dignity  confiftent  with  his  ufual  char- 
acter, he  refufed  this,  though  at  the  fame  time 
he  gave  them  the  ftrongeft  affurances  of  juftice, 
fecurity,  and  perfonal  fafety.  He  pledged  his 
honor  for  their  peaceable  polfeffion  of  their 
property,  and  the  free  exercife  of  their  religion  : 
he  expreffed  in  liberal  terms,  his  difpofition  to 
protect  the  inhabitants  on  the  fame  footing  with 
the  other  American  colonies.  He  then  demand- 
ed the  poffeflion  of  the  gates,  and  the  keys  of 
all  the  public  flores,  and  ordered  them  to  be  de- 
livered by  nine  o'clock  the  enfuing  morning. 
Accordingly  the  gates  were  thrown  open,  and 
his  troops  entered  at  the  appointed  hour  :  thus 
without  the  fmalleft  reiiilance,  he  took  poiTef- 
fion  of  this  important  poft.  He  treated  every 


260  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    O* 

clafs  of  inhabitants  with  that  lenity  and  polite- 
nefs,  which  at  once  attached  them  to  his  perfon, 

1  **  *7  tf 

ftrengthened  their  prejudices  againfl  the  Britifh 
government,  and  cherimed  the  favorable  ideas 
many  had  before  imbibed,  both  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, and  the  caufe  in  whkh  they  were  en- 
gaged. 

When  Montgomery  had  made  all  proper  ar- 
rangements for  the  fecurity  and  peace  of  Mon- 
treal, he  prepared  immediately  to  go  forward 
and  inveft  Quebec,  then  in  a  weak,  defencelefs 
condition,  their  governor  abfent,  the  inhab- 
itants difaffected,  and  but  an  handful  of  troops 
in  the  garrifon.  When  general  Carleton  left 
the  neighbourhood  of  Montreal,  he  made  the  ut- 
moft  difpatch  to  reach  and  put  the  capital  of 
Canada  in  a  proper  ftate  of  defence  ;  but  he 
found  Quebec  in  the  greateft  conilernation  and 
danger,  from  a  quarter  not  apprehended,  and 
fcarcely  conceived  poilible,  from  the  novelty 
?ind  hazard  of  the  undertaking. 

A  detachment  of  upwards  of  one  thoufand 
men  had  been  marched  from  the  army  near 
Bofton.  The  command  of  this  little  band  had 
been  given  to  colonel  Arnold,  a  young  foldier 
of  fortune,  who  held  in  equal  contempt  both 
danger  and  principle.  They  took  paffage  at 
Merrimack,  and  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Kennebeck  on  the  twenty-fecond  of  September. 
There,  finding  it  probable  their  provifions 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  261 

might  fall  fhort,  when  there  could  be  no  poffi-  CHAP.  vn. 
bility  of  a  frefh  fupply,  Arnold  fent  back  three 
hundred  of  his  men.*  Moft  of  the  remainder 
embarked  in  batteaux  prepared  for  the  purpofe  : 
a  fmall  diviiion  of  the  troops  marched  flpwly, 
and  kept  the  banks  of  the  river. 

They  encamped  together  every  night,  though 
frequently  interrupted  in  their  progrefs,  by 
rocks,  falls,  rapids,  and  carrying-places,  where 
they  were  obliged  to  carry  their  boats  for  feve- 
ral  miles  together  on  their  moulders.  With  in- 
credible perfeverance,  they  traverfed  woods, 
mountains,fwamps,and  precipices, and  were  obli- 
ged alternately  to  cut  their  way  where  no  human 
foot  had  trodden, to  ford  £hallows,or  attempt  the 
navigation  of  a  rapid  ftream,  with  a  rocky  bot- 
tom, which  feemed  not  defigned  as  a  paflage 
for  any  human  being  to  attempt.  At  the  fame 
time  their  proviiions  were  fo  reduced,  that  they 
were  obliged  to  eat  their  own  dogs,  and  con- 
vert their  fhoe-leather  into  food. 

But  with  ailoniming  refoiution,  they  fur- 
mounted  every  obftacle,  and  near  two  thirds  of 
the  detachment  completed  a  route  of  feveral  hun- 
dred miles,  through  an  hideous  wildernefs,  un- 
explored before  but  by  the  beafts  and  favages 
of  the  foreft.  It  was  at  the  time  thought,  that 
if  the  hiftorian  did  juftice  to  the  heroic  firmnefs 

*  Thefe  appeared  ready  to  defert  with  a  field  officer  at 
their  head,  if  they  had  not  been  permitted  to  return. 


262  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vn.  of  this  little  party,  that  it  would  be  as  honorable 
a  teftimony  of  the  exertions  of  human  intre- 
pidity, as  the  celebrated  march  of  the  renown- 
ed Hannibal :  but  the  enterprifing  fpirit  of 
America  has  fince  taught  her  fons  to  tread  over 
a  track  of  the  forlorn  defert  fo  much  more  ex- 
tenfive,  that  this  now  appears  but  an  epitome 
of  their  hardihood. 

Colonel  Arnold  with  his  little  army  almoft 
exhaufted  by  hunger  and  fatigue,  reached  the 
Canadian  fettlements  on  the  third  of  Novem- 
ber. He  was  received  in  a  friendly  manner, 
and  a  liberal  fupply  of  provifions  was  collected 
for  his  relief.  By  the  alacrity  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, he  was  in  a  few  days  furnifhed  with  boats 
to  crofs  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  by  favor  of  the 
night  he  effected  his  paffage,  in  fpite  of  the  vigi- 
lance of  feveral  frigates  that  lay  in  the  river. 
When  he  fat  down  before  Quebec,  he  found  all 
the  batteries  manned  from  the  {hipping ;  but 
having  no  artillery,  he  could  do  little  more  than 
parade  before  the  city,  and  wait  the  arrival  of 
general  Montgomery. 

In  the  mean  time,  general  Carleton  was  not 
idle  ;  every  preparation  that  courage  or  vigi- 
lance could  dictate,  was  made  for  the  reception 
of  Montgomery.  He  ordered  by  proclamation, 
all  who  refufed  to  take  arms,  immediately  to 
quit  the  city  with  their  wives  and  children,  on 
peril  of  being  treated  with  the  utmoft  feverity, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  263 

as  rebels  and  traitors  to  their  king.  Many  of 
them  obeyed,  and  abandoned  their  refidence 
and  property.  The  Scotch  inhabitants  and  the 
French  nob/efle,  he  could  at  that  time  firmly  rely 
on  j  all  others,  difgufted  with  the  Quebec  act, 
and  alienated  by  the  feverity  of  the  governor, 
were  in  a  temper  to  renounce  their  loyalty,  and 
join  the  Americans.  Yet  the  fear  of  loiing 
their  property  in  the  confuiion  that  might  en- 
fue,  if  the  city  was  obliged  to  change  its  matters, 
operated  on  fome,  and  caufed  them  to  arm, 
though  with  great  relu dance.  The  coniidera- 
tion  of  pecuniary  lofles  will  always  have  a  pow- 
erful influence  on  the  minds  of  men  :  thus,  the 
zeal  which  had  been  nurtured  for  the  defence 
of  liberty,  foon  began  to  abate  ;  and  both  En- 
glim  and  Canadians,  actuated  by  the  principle  of 
immediate  felf-intereft,  concealed  their  former 
defection  to  the  Britiih  government.  Many  of 
them  were  wealthy  and  opulent,  and  became 
daily  more  difpofed  to  unite  in  defence  of  the 
town,  which  contained  more  families  in  opulent 
circumttances,  than  all  the  province  befides. 

After  placing  a  garrifon  in  Montreal,  new 
clothing  his  troops,  and  ftationing  fome  fmall 
detachments  in  the  out-potts  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, general  Montgomery  fent  a  few  troops 
to  different  parts  of  the  province,  to  expedite 
farther  fupplies  of  provifions,  clothing,  and 
other  neceffaries.  He  then  puihed  on  his 
march  beneath  the  fall  of  fnows,  embarrafled 


264  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vn.  with  bad  roads,  a  fevere  winter,  an  inhofpitable 
~~"  '  climate,  and  the  murmur  of  his  little  army. 
The  term  of  their  enliftment  was  nearly  expir- 
ed j  nothing  kept  them  together  but  their  at- 
tachment to  their  commander,  and  that  zeal  in 
the  public  caufe,  which  had  already  prompted 
them  to  encounter  perils  and  endure  hardfhips, 
which  the  human  conftitution  feems  not  calcu- 
lated to  furmount,  after  being  foftened  by  the 
habits  of  civilized  life.  But  by  the  addrefs  of 
the  commander,  and  the  refolution  of  the 
troops,  they  with  incredible  expedition  arrived 
at  Quebec,  notwithftanding  the  impediments 
that  lay  in  their  way. 

The  foldiers  in  garrifon,  with  the  marines 
from  the  king's  frigates,  that  had  been  placed 
therein,  and  the  armed  militia,  both  French 
and  Englifh,  did  not  amount  to  more  than  two 
thoufand  men  when  the  army  arrived  from 
Montreal  \  but  by  the  intrepidity  of  general 
Carleton,  and  the  activity  of  his  officers,  they 
had  prepared  for  defence  with  the  fpirit  of  vet- 
erans. They  rejected  with  difdain  a  fummons 
from  Montgomery  to  furrender  the  town,  to 
prevent  the  fatal  confequences  of  its  being  tak- 
en by  florin  ;  fired  on  the  flag  that  offered  to 
convey  letters  with  propofals  for  capitulation, 
obliged  it  to  retire,  and  all  communication  was 
forbidden  by  the  inflexible  Carleton. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  265 

General  Montgomery  after  this,  fent  a  fecond  CHAP.  vi. 
letter*  by  colonel  Arnold  and  Mr.  Macpherfon, 
his  aid-de-camp,  to  general  Carleton.  He  up* 
braided  him  with  perfonal  ill-treatment,  with 
the  cruelty  exercifed  towards  the  prifoners  that 
had  fallen  into  his  hands,  and  with  the  unparal* 
lelled  conduct,  except  among  favages,  of  firing 
at  a  flag  of  truce.  He  warned  him  not  to  de- 
ilroy  either  public  or  private  ftores,  as  he  had 
done  at  Montreal,  and  kept  up  a  tone  of  fupe- 
riority  as  if  fure  of  fuccefs.  The  meflengers 
reached  the  walls  of  Quebec,  but  were  ordered 
to  decamp  with  fpeed,  and  informed  that  the 
governor  would  receive  no  letters  pr  hold  any 
intercourfe  with  rebels. 

Thus  circumftanced,  general  Montgomery 
judged  that  immediate  and  decided  action,  was 
the  only  means  of  ferving  his  country,  and  fe- 
curing  to  himfelf  that  renown,  which  the  luftre 
of  his  former  conducl:  had  acquired.  Thus, 
depending  too  much  on  his  own  good  fortune, 
and  too  little  acquainted  with  the  arrangement 
and  vigor  within  the  walls,  he  refolved  on  the 
dangerous  and  defperate  meafure  of  an  effort  to 
take  the  city  by  efcalade.  He  made  his  difpofi- 
tions  accordingly,  and  under  the  cover  of  a  vio- 
lent fnow-ftorm,  his  army  in  four  feparate  divi- 

*  See  general  Montgomery's  letter,  December  6,1*775. 
Appendix,  Note  No.  XV. 

VOL.  1.  2....K 


5460  THE    RISE    AND     PROGRESS    OF 

C«AP.  vii.      fions,  began  the  arduous  work  at  the  fame  mo- 
P~-       ment,  early  on  the  morning  of  the  thirty-firft  of 
December. 

But  the  enemy  had  gained  intelligence  of  his 
movements,  the  alarm  had  been  given,  and  a 
lignal  made  for  a  general  engagement  in  the 
lower  town,  fome  time  before  Montgomery  had 
reached  it.  He  however  pufhed  on  through  a 
narrow  pafTage,  with  a  hanging  rock  on  the  one 
fide,  and  a  dangerous  precipice  of  the  banks  of 
the  river  on  the  other,  and  with  a  refolution . 
becoming  his  character,  he  gained  the  iirft  bar- 
rier. Warmed  with  the  fpirit  of  magnanimity 
and  a  thirft  for  glory,  the  infeparable  compan- 
ions of  exalted  minds,  he  met  undaunted  the 
fire  of  his  enemies,  and  accompanied  by  fome 
of  his  braveft  officers,  he  rumed  on  to  attack  a 
well-defended  barricade.  But  to  the  regret  of 
the  army,  the  grief  of  his  country,  and  the  in- 
expreflible  forrow  of  his  numerous  friends,  the 
valiant  Montgomery,  with  the  laurels  frefh 
blooming  on  his  brow,  fell  at  the  gates  by  a  ran- 
dom mot  from  the  frozen  walls  of  Quebec. 

Conne&ed  with  one  of  the  firft  families  in 
New  York,*  happy  in  the  higheft  enjoyment  of 
domeftic  felicity,  he  was  led  by  principle  to  quit 
the  occupations  of  rural  life  ;  and  animated  with 
an  ardent  zeal  for  the  caufe  of  human  nature, 
the  liberties  of  mankind,  and  the  glory  of  Amer- 

*  He  married  a  daughter  of  judge  Livingfton. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  267 

ica,  both  his  aclive  life,  and  his  heroic  death, 
verified  his  laft  expreflion  to  his  amiable  lady.... 
never  bluff)  for  your  Montgomery** 


»»* 


His  philofophic  tafte,  his  pleafing  manners, 
his  private  virtues,  and  his  military  abilities, 
\vere  acknowledged  and  revered  even  by  his 
enemies,who  cannot  but  pronounce  the  Canadian 
fields  are  marked  with  peculiar  glory.  It  is  there 
the  choiceft  flowers  of  fame  may  be  culled  to 
crown  the  memory  of  a  Wolfe  and  a  Montgom- 
ery. Yet,  while  one  of  thofe  illuftrious  names, 
written  in  characters  of  blood,  reflects  luftre  on 
the  glory  of  a  Britilh  monarch,  the  other  will 
announce  to  pofterity,  the  efforts  of  virtue  to 
refift  the  tyranny  of  his  fucceffor. 

General  Montgomery  was  juftly  confidered  as 
an  early  martyr  in  the  caufe  of  freedom,  and 
the  premature  ftroke  that  robbed  his  country 
of  an  officer  of  tried  bravery  and  decided  merit, 
was  not  only  bewailed  by  his  friends,  but  excit- 
ed the  tear  of  generous  companion  from  all 
thofe  who  were  fufceptible  of  the  nobler  feelings 
of  the  foul,  among  fuch  as  were  oppofed  to  him 
in  political  opinion.  The  ammofities  of  war, 
and  the  enmities  created  by  different  fentiments, 
or  rivalry  in  fame,  mould  ever  expire  with  the 
life  of  a  hero.  Yet  the  obfequies  of  this  great 


*  The  writer  of  thefe  annals  had  the  particulars  of  his 
laft  adieu,  in  a  letter  from  his  lady  immediately  after  his 
death. 


268  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vn.  and  amiable  man,  were  not  attended  with  thofe 
~"~  honorary  marks  of  refpeft,  ufually  paid  to  illuf- 
trious  military  characters,  when  victory  has  fa- 
tiated  refentment :  his  body  was  thrown  into 
a  fledge,  and  without  even  a  coffin,  conveyed  to 
the  place  of  burial.  The  manner  of  general 
Montgomery's  interment,  was  at  firft  reported 
much  more  to  the  honor  of  governor  Carleton  ; 
but  the  above  account  is  from  the  teftimony  of 
feveral  refpe&able  American  officers  then  in 
Quebec.*  By  the  perfuaiion  of  a  lady  who  af- 
terwards married  the  lieutenant  governor  of 
Quebec,  who  had  formerly  ferved  in  the  Britifh 
army  with  general  Montgomery,  the  body  of 
this  worthy  officer  was  taken  up,  and  again  in- 
terred in  a  rough  coffin,  but  without  any  par- 
ticular marks  of  refpeft.  The  other  officers 
who  fell,  were  indifcriminately  thrown  with 
their  clothes  on,  into  the  fame  grave  with  their 
foldiers. 

The  death  of  general  Montgomery  decided 
the  fate  of  the  day,  though  colonel  Arnold  and 
his  party  with  great  bravery  kept  up  the  at- 
tack ;  nor  did  they  quit  the  field  until  after  Ar- 
nold was  obliged  to  retire,  having  received  a 
dangerous  wound.  Notwithftanding  this  acci- 
dent, added  to  the  unfpeakable  lofs  of  their 
brave  commander,  this  fmall  refolute  party  kept 

*  Particularly  captain,  afterwards  general,  Dearborn  ; 
taken  prifoner  at  the  attempt  on  the  fecond  barrier. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  269 

their  ground,  until  galled  on  every  fide,  attack-  CHAP  vn. 
ed  in  the  rear,  and  their  retreat  cut  off  by  a 
Britifh  party,  who  found  means  to  fecure  a  paf- 
fage  that  prevented  even  the  attempt,  yet  they 
kept  up  an  obftinate  defence  for  feveral  hours, 
but  at  laft  were  obliged  to  furrender  themfelves 
prifoners  of  war.* 

Though  the  manes  of  their  commander  in 
chief  had  not  been  treated  with  that  generofity 
which  is  ufually  the  refult  of  true  magnanimity, 
yet  general  Carleton  treated  the  prifoners  that 
afterwards  fell  into  his  hands,  with  more  hu- 
manity ;  their  wounds  were  drefled,  their  wants 
relieved,  and  his  own  phyiicians  fent  to  vifit 
the  fick.  He  alfo  endeavoured  to  recal  thofe, 
who,  after  the  defeat,  had  taken  fhelter  in  the 
woods,  or  fuch  as  had  been  left  fick  or  wounded 
on  the  way,  after  the  retreat ;  and  by  procla- 
mation, he  promifed  liberty  to  all  the  unhappy 
ftragglers,  when  they  mould  be  cured  of  their 
wounds  and  difeafes. 

After  the  death  of  Montgomery,  the  retreat 
of  Arnold,  and  a  furrender  of  a  conliderable 

*  Moft  of  the  American  officers  diftinguifhed  themfelves 
by  their  intrepidity  and  vigilance  on  this  fated  day ;  but 
none  more  than  colonel  Morgan,  who  feemed  to  be  adapt- 
ed by  nature,  by  his  ftrength  of  body,  vigor  of  mind,  and 
unconquerable  refolution,  for  the  fevere  conflicts  of  war. 
This  was  afterwards  exemplified  in  the  many  rencounters 
he  met  in  the  ravage  of  the  Carolinas. 


27O  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vn.  part  of  his  troops,  the  broken  forces  collected 
~^7"  and  retired  about  three  miles  from  the  city. 
There  they  kept  up  a  kind  of  blockade  through 
the  winter ;  and  by  the  fpirit  of  Arnold,  on 
whom  the  command  had  devolved,  and  the  vig- 
ilance of  his  party,  they  prevented  in  a  great 
meafure,  additional  recruits  and  fupplies  for  the 
relief  of  the  city.  This  there  was  every  reafon 
to  expect  would  be  attempted,  not  only  from 
the  difficulties  of  their  lituation  within  the 
city,  but  from  the  ficklenefs  of  the  Cana- 
dians without,  and  their  manifeft  difpofi- 
tion  to  enlift  under  the  banners  of  fuccefs. 
From  their  local  circumftances,  this  change  of 
temper  might  from  the  beginning  haye  been 
apprehended,  from  thofe  pretended  allies  of  the 
United  States.  Their  neighbourhood  and  con- 
nexion with  the  favages,  their  long  habit  of  of- 
cillating  between  England  and  France,  and  their 
ignorance  in  general  of  the  grounds  of  the  dif- 
pute,  muft  naturally  render  their  fidelity  to  the 
ftates,  under  the  jurifdidion  of  Congrefs,  very 
uncertain. 

But  we  leave  the  lakes,  the  wildeniefs,  the 
favages,  and  their  employers  in  that  quarter,  for 
the  prefent,  to  obferve  for  a  time,  the  intereft- 
ing  movements  on  the  borders  of  the  Atlantic, 
and  the  difpofition  difcovered  by  the  ancient 
parent  of  the  colonies,  which  foon  produced 
confequences  of  the  higheft  moment.  It  may, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  271 

however,  be  proper  to  obferve  here,  that  gene-    CHAP.  VH. 
ral  Arnold  extricated  himfelf  in  a  remarkable  - 

1  *7  *7  £ 

manner  from  his  embarraffments  in  this  quar- 
ter ;  and  lived  to  be  confpicuoufly  diftinguifli- 
ed  through  the  American  war,  for  his  bravery 
and  addrefs,  his  activity,  and  his  villany. 


272  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    Ol- 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

DifTenfions  in  the  Britifh  Parliament. — Petition  of  Gover- 
nor Penn  rejected. — Bofton  evacuated. — Sir  Henry 
Clinton  fent  to  the  Southward — Followed  by  General 
Lee — His  Character. — Sir  Peter  Parker's  Attack  on 
Sullivan's  Ifland. — General  Howe's  Arrival  at  Sandy- 
Hook. — General  Wafhington  leaves  Cambridge. — Ob- 
fervations  on  the  Temper  of  fome  of  the  Colonies. 

CHAP-vm-  WHILE  as  above  related,  a  bufy  and  impor- 
1775.  tant  fcene  was  exhibited  at  the  northward,  the 
fouthern  colonies  were  parrying  the  embarraff- 
ments  created  by  the  royal  governors,  fome  of 
whom  had  recently  left  America.  The  people 
were  gradually  laying  aiide  the  prejudices  which 
mankind  generally  imbibe  for  old  eftablilhed 
governments,  and  were  preparing  themfelves 
for  new  modes,  if  neceffity  mould  impel,  when- 
ever the  delegates  with  whom  they  had  entruft- 
ed  their  rights,  mould  judge  affairs  fully  ripen- 
ed for  a  declaration  of  independence,  and  a  final 
feparation  from  Britain.  The  American  con* 
grefs  was  yet  waiting  the  refult  of  their  late  pe* 
tition  to  the  throne,  with  a  degree  of  temper 
and  moderation  fcarcely  paralleled,  among 
men  poflefling  the  unlimited  confidence  of  their 
country  on  the  one  fide,  and  on  the  other  irri- 
tated by  the  neglect  and  contempt  of  their  op- 
preffors,  and  the  rude  infults  qf  minifteriai 
menace. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  2?3 

Thus  fufpended  on  the  wing  of  expectation,  CHAP.  vm. 
or  rather  an  unfounded  and  fruitlefs  hope,  every 
thing  remained  quiet  at  head-quarters,  through 
the  winter  of  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and 
feventy-fix.  No  attempt  was  made  againft  Bof- 
ton  by  the  American  army,  nor  did  general 
Howe  mew  any  difpoiition  to  fally  from  the 
town,  and  interrupt  the  tranquillity  of  the 
camp.  In  fhort,  the  Britifli  army,  engrofied  by 
the  pleafures  of  the  town,  and  the  exhibition 
of  farces  compofed  by  one  of  their  general  offi- 
cers,* became  fo  inactive,  and  appeared  fo  inof- 
feniive,  that  the  Americans  (little  lefs  difpofed 
to  indulge  in  the  pleafures  of  peace)  enjoyed  at 
Cambridge  the  conviviality  of  the  feafon.  The 
ladies  of  the  principal  American  officers  repair- 
ed to  the  camp.  Harmony  and  hofpitality, 
united  with  that  iimplicity  which  had  hitherto 
been  chara&eriftic  of  the  domeftic  tafte,  ftyle, 
and  manners  of  the  moft  refpeclable  Americans, 
reigned  among  them  for  feveral  months,  with- 
out the  fmalleft  interruption.  Civility  and  mu- 
tual forbearance  appeared  between  the  officers 
of  the  royal  and  continental  armies,  and  a  fre- 
quent interchange  of  flags  was  indulged,  for  the 
gratification  of  the  different  partifans. 


*  General  Burgoyne,  whofe  genius  for  thefe  lite- 
rary prodr.&ions  was  afterwards  difplayed  more  to  his 
honor. 

VOL.  I.  2....L 


274  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vin.  But  notwithftanding  the  relu dance  to  action, 
* obfervable  in  two  powerful  and  contiguous  ar- 
mies, the  wheels  of  revolution  were  rolling  on 
in  fwift  progreffion.  The  approach  of  fpring 
lowered  with  the  fate  of  empire,  the  birth  of 
nations,  and  the  painful  convuliions  experienced 
by  every  flate,  ftruggling  to  retrieve  and  per- 
manently fecure  the  rights  of  nature,  feized  or 
curtailed  by  the  ftrong  hand  of  power. 

Through  the  laft  ten  years,  the  Britifli  minik 
try  had  been  repeatedly  changed,  and  though 
none  of  them,  except  the  duke  of  Grafton  and 
the  marquis  of  Rockingham,*  who  had  figured 
at  the  head  of  adminiftration,  had  fhewn  any  dif- 
pofition  to  do  juftice  to  America,  yet  the  coun- 
fels  of  the  cabinet  had  been  kept  in  continual 
fluctuation.     From  the  retirement  of  lord  Bute, 
in  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  lixty-ftx, 
there  had  been  an  extraordinary  variety  and 
fucceffion  of  characters  in  the  colonial  depart- 
-ment.       The   lords    Grenville,    Rockingham, 
North,  Hillfborough,  and  Dartmouth,  had  al- 
ternately taken  the  lead  in  this  thorny  path  : 
feveral   others  had  labored  in  the  road  for  a 
time,  and  retired  equally   fuccefslefs  and  cha- 
grined ;  particularly  the  duke  of  Grafton.f 

*  The  marquis  of  Rockingham  was  through  his  whole 
life  uniformly  oppofed  to  the  American  war. 

t  The  duke  of  Grafton  was  very  explicit  with  his  ma- 
jefty  in  his  reafbns  for  refignation. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  275 


From  the  religious  deportment  of  lord  Dart- 
mouth,  he  had  fecured  the  partiality  of  a  party  ; 
but  it  foon  appeared  from  the  inefficacy  of  his 
meafures,  and  the  want  of  liability  in  his  con- 
duct, that  he  was  a  very  unfit  perfon  for  a  place, 
that  required  deeper  intrigue,  more  energy, 
and  ftronger  abilities  than  he  pofleffed.  Tired 
of  the  burthen  himfelf,  and  his  employers  weary 
of  his  adminiftration,  he  refigned  his  office  in 
the  fummer  of  one  thoufand  feven  hundred 
and  feventy-five. 

On  his  refignation,  lord  George  Germaine, 
"  the  hero  of  Minden"  entered  a  field  which 
did  not  brighten  his  laurels,  though  he  engaged 
with  a  boldnefs  and  temerity  of  fpirit,  that  he 
had  not  on  all  occafions  difcovered.  Zealous 
for  the  honor  of  his  fovereign,  the  intereft  and 
fuperiority  of  his  nation,  the  dignity  and  fu- 
premacy  of  parliament,  he  undertook  the  con- 
duct of  the  American  war,  and  the  fubjugation 
of  the  colonies,  with  a  temper  and  refolution 
more  fanguine  than  difcreet.  Early  in  his  ad- 
miniftration, and  through  the  whole  courfe  of 
this  eventful  year,  propofals  for  an  accommoda- 
tion with  the  colonies,  were  offered  from  vari- 
ous quarters  ;  but  conciliation  with  America, 
had  no  place  in  the  fyftem  of  the  new  minifter. 

The  firft  bill  that  appeared  for  this  purpofe, 
was  from  the  hand  of  lord  Chatham,  whofe  en- 
ergetic abilities  and  dignified  policy,  had  re- 


276  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

H.  cently  refcued  the  empire  from  ruin.  But  not 
~ even  the  talents  of  a  man  who  had  been  courted 
by  his  fovereign,  admired  by  his  enemies,  and 
adored  by  the  nation,  had  any  influence  on  a 
miniftry,  deaf  to  every  thing  but  an  American 
revenue,  and  the  fupremacy  of  parliament. 
After  the  failure  of  the  efforts  of  this  diftin- 
guiflied  ftatefman,  Burke,  Franklin,  Fothergill, 
Hartley,  and  others,  anxious  to  prevent  the 
wanton  wafte  of  human  blood,  brought  for- 
ward their  propofals  to  procure  a  reconciliation 
with  the  colonies,  either  on  the  terms  of  equity, 
or  partial  conceffion.  They  fupported  them 
with  the  moft  interefting  pathos,  and  with  great 
ftrength  of  argument :  but  neither  the  perfua- 
iive  eloquence  of  the  orator,*  the  reafoning 
powers  or  conclulive  arguments  of  the  philofo- 
pher,f  nor  the  mild  fimplicity  and  humane  in- 
terference of  the  upright  quaker,|  were  liftened 
to  with  the  fmalleft  attention,  by  a  predetermi- 
ned adminiftration,  fanclioned  by  the  approba- 
tion of  royalty.  Every  fuggeftion  that  wore 
any  appearance  of  lenity,  or  re-union  with  the 
colonies,  was  rejected  on  the  principle  of  the  fu- 
premacy of  parliament.  Tenacious  of  their 
power,  and  the  right  to  alter,  or  refume  at  plea- 
fure,  all  colonial  charters,  and  to  regulate  and 
tax  as  confiftent  with  the  convenience  of  the 

*  Edmund  Burke.  f  Dr.  Franklin. 

J  Dr.  Fothergill All  well  known  in  the  literary  world. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  277 

parent  ftate,  the  late  petition  from  congrefs, 
met  the  ufual  neglect  that  had  been  fhewn  to 
every  former  application. 

Before  it  was  totally  rejected,  the  duke  of 
Richmond  fuggefted  the  propriety  of  queftion- 
ing  governor  Penn,  who  prefented  the  petition, 
relative  to  the  ftrength,  the  refources,  the  dif- 
pofition,  and  the  deiigns  of  America.  Mr.  Penn 
was  a  gentleman  whofe  talents  were  equal  to  the 
buiinefs  he  was  fent  to  negociate.  When  called 
on  the  floor  of  the  houfe  of  commons  for  ex- 
amination, he  gave  a.  clear  and  decided  ftate- 
ment  of  the  fituation  and  the  views,  the  ex- 
pectations, the  wifhes,  and  the  final  determina- 
tion of  his  countrymen,  if  they  failed  in  their 
prefent  attempt  to  be  heard  by  their  fovereign.* 
But  it  was  immediately  aflerted,  that  congrefs 
was  an  illegal  body ;  that  no  parley  could  be 
held  with  rebels  ;  that  while  the  Americans  in 
hoftile  array  were  preparing  armies  for  oppofi- 
tion  to  parliamentary  authority,  it  was  beneath 
the  dignity  of  the  fupreme  legiflative,  to  hold 
treaties  with  men  who  denied  their  fupremacy  ; 
that  coercion  alone  was  the  proper  line  of  action  / 
for  the  nation  ;  and  that  it  was  neceflary  this  I 
fyftem  mould  be  pufhed  with  redoubled  vigor. 
Confequently,  after  much  debate,  it  was  agreed 
in  the  houfe,  that  foreign  auxiliaries  Ihould  be 

*  When  the  petition  was  prefented  by  Mr.  Penn  and 
Arthur  Lee,  Efq.  they  were  told  by  the  Minifter  that  no 
notice  would  be  taken  of  it. 


278  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS   OF 

•HAP.  vni.  hired,  at  an  immenfe  expenfe,  to  aflift  in  the 
— ~  complete  fubjugation  of  the  colonies.  A  treaty 
with  the  landgrave  of  Heffe,  and  a  price  for  pay- 
ment for  the  loan  of  his  flaves  was  voted,  and 
feveral  other  fimilar  fteps  adopted  to  facilitate 
the  defigns  againft  America. 

Thefe  meafures  appeared  to  many  in  the 
houfe,  replete  with  abfurdity,  particularly  the 
calling  in  of  foreign  mercenaries,  to  afftft  in  a 
work  that  difcovered  little  liberality,  lefs  hu- 
manity, and  no  wife  policy.  It  was  obferved, 
that  no  language  or  ad  could  juftify  the  authors 
or  fupporters  of  this  project.  It  was  replied, 
ctthat  foreign  troops,  infpired  with  military 
"  maxims  and  ideas  of  implicit  obedience, 
66  would  be  lefs  liable  to  be  Mailed  by  that  falfe 
"  lenity,  which  national  foldiers  might  indulge 
"  at  the  expenfe  of  national  intereft."*  This 
was  an  unufual  and  bold  aiTertion  to  be  made 
in  a  Britiih  houfe  of  commons,  and  feemed  tinc- 
tured with  a  fpirit  of  defpotifm,  that  had  not  al- 
ways been  chara&eriftic  of  Englifhmen  :  and  in- 
deed now,  the  minority  in  oppolition  to  this 
and  feveral  other  high-handed  meafures,  was 
too  refpeclable  to  be  frowned  into  iniignificance, 
even  by  the  difapprobation  of  kings.f 

The  noble  names  of  Rockingham,  Scarbo- 
rough, Abingdon,  Effingham,  and  Poafonby  j 

*  Britifn  Annual  Regifter. 
f  See  Appendix,  Note  No.  XVI. 


" 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  279 

the  dukes  of  Mancheiler,  Devonfhire,  Rich- 
mond,  and  Grafton,  with  many  others  of  equal 
rank  and  confideration,  appeared  on  the  pro- 
tefts  againft  the  fanguine,  fummary,  and  dan- 
gerous proceedings  of  parliament.  Their  opin- 
ions were  fupported  even  by  fome  of  the  royal 
family:  the  efforts  of  the  duke  'of  Cumberland 
were  ftrenuous  ;  he  reprobated  in  the  moft  ex- 
plicit terms,  the  whole  American  fyftem  ;  he 
lamented  in  pathetic  language,  the  employing 
of  foreigners  ;  he  obferved,  that  he  much  re- 
gretted "  that  Brunfwickers,  who  once  to  their 
"  honor,  had  been  employed  in  defence  of  the 
liberties  of  the  fubjecl,  mould  now  be  fent  to 
fubjugate  a  diftant  part  of  the  Britifli  em- 
"  pire."* 

But  in  fpite  of  protefts,  arguments,  reafon,  or 
humanity,  the  parliament  of  Britain  proceeded 
as  expreffed  in  the  diffent  of  the  lords,  to  "  a 
"  refinement  in  tyranny.91  Towards  the  clofe  of 
the  year,  they  interdicted  all  trade  with  Amer- 
ica, declared  the  colonies  out  of  the  royal  pro- 
tection, licenfed  the  feizure  of  their  property  on 
the  high  feas,  and  by  an  act  of  parliament,  gave 
the  forfeiture  to  the  captors,  and  directed  an  in- 
difcriminate  compulfion  of  all  perfons  taken  on 
board  any  American  veflel,  to  ferve  as  common 
failors  in  his  majefty's  navy. 

*  See  the  fpeech  of  his  royal  highnefs  at  large  in  the 
Britifli  Annual  Regifter, 


280  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vm.  This  mode  of  procedure  was  oppofed  and 
criminated  with  all  the  powers  of  language,  by 
fome  members  of  the  firft  confequence  in  the 
houfe  of  commons.  They  pronounced  it  the 
laft  degree  of  wretchednefs  and  indignity  to 
which  human  nature  could  be  fubjugated.  They 
obferved  that  "  this  was  an  inftance  of  tyranny 
"  worfe  than  death,  thus  to  compel  the  unfor- 
"  tunate  captives  who  might  fall  into  their 
"  hands,  after  being  plundered  themfelves,  to 
"  ailift  their  enemies  in  plundering  their  breth- 
"  ren."  They  afferted  "  that  fuch  modes  of  fe- 
"  verity  were  without  example,  except  among 
"  pirates,  outlaws,  and  the  common  enemies  of 
"  civil  fociety."  Yet,  notwithftanding  thefe 
feniible  remonftrances,  there  were  fome  of  the 
moft  diftinguifhed  characters  in  England,  fo 
heated  by  party  fpirit,  national  pride,  and  the 
high  claims  of  parliamentary  dignity  and  fupe- 
riority,  as  mamelefsly  to  avow  the  neceflity  of 
leaping  over  the  boundaries  of  equity,  and  wink- 
ing out  of  fight  the  immutable  laws  of  juftice. 
It  is  painful  to  record,  as  an  evidence  of  this 
afTertion,  a  fmgle  inftance,  that  muft  caufe  a 
blulh  for  the  weaknefs  or  wickednefs  of  man. 
Even  the  great  lord  Mansfield,  whofe  fuperior 
talents,  profound  erudition,  law  knowledge,  and 
philofophical  abilities,  mould  have  elevated  him 
above  all  local  or  party  prejudices,  declared  pub- 
Hckly,  "  that  the  original  queftion  of  right  ought 
"  no  longer  to  be  confidered  ;  that  the  juftice 
"  of  the  caufe  muft  give  way  to  the  prefent  fit- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  281 

"  uation  ;  that  they  were  engaged  in  a  war, 
"  and  muft  ufe  every  effort  to  obtain  the  end 
"propofed  thereby."*  If  the  politician  can 
juftify  this  fophiflical  reafoning,  the  dictates  of 
juftice  muft  lead  the  upright  to  revolt  at  the 
idea :  a  declaration  fo  devoid  of  the  principles 
of  rectitude,  from  a  man  of  his  lordfhip's  celeb- 
rity, at  once  mocks  the  feelings  of  equity  and 
wounds  the  fenfations  of  humanity. 

The  pafEons  of  fome  were  irritated  by  this 
extraordinary  fpeech  of  lord  Mansfield,  and  the 
judgment  of  others  convinced,  that  America 
had  nothing  to  expect  either  from  the  juftice 
or  clemency  of  parliament,  under  the  influence 
of  men  of  fuch  abilities  and  principles.  Yet  ftill 
the  chimerical  project  of  conqueft  and  fubjuga- 
tion,  continued  to  be  uniformly  oppofed  by  the 
diflenting  lords  in  one  houfe,  and  a  melioration 
of  the  American  fyftem  urged  in  the  other,  on 
the  ftrongeft  grounds  of  reafon,  juftice,  policy, 
and  humanity  ;  but  a  minifterial  majority  was 
aftonilhingly  kept  up  in  both,  and  on  a  divilion 
on  every  queftion  relative  to  the  colonies,  the 
minority  bore  no  proportion  to  the  names  in 
the  other  fcale. 

A  war  with  America  did  not  at  this  period 
appear  to  be  the  general  wifh  of  the  nation  at 

*  Debates  in  parliament,  and  lord  Mansfield's  fpeech  in 
the  houfe  of  lords,  December,  1775. 

VOL.  I.  2....M 


282  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vni.  large  ;  but  engaged  in  their  own  pleafures  and 
I~7~  purfuits,  they  feemed  rather  inattentive  to  the 
object  in  difpute,  as  a  matter  that  very  little 
concerned  them.  There  was  indeed  fome  clam- 
or among  the  great  body  of  the  merchants,  on 
the  total  deftruction  of  the  American  trade,  and 
fome  of  the  manufacturing  towns  were  difpofed 
to  be  riotous  on  the  occaiion  ;  but  the  danger 
of  a  foreign  war,  or  a  final  difmemberment  of 
the  empire,  was  not  generally  apprehended  by 
the  people,  though  thefe  confequences  were  pre- 
dicted by  fome  fagacious  heads,  and  the  hearts 
of  the  patriotic  and  compaffionate  were  hurt  by 
the  anticipation  of  the  impending  evils. 


Calling  in  the  aid  of  foreigners,  and  intro- 
'ducing  a  large  body  of  German  mercenaries  in 
Britifh  pay,  to  fettle  a  domeftic  quarrel  with 
the  colonies,  was  mortifying  to  the  pride  and 
valor  of  every  uncorrupted  Englishman.  But 
the  torrent  of  fecret  influence  was  irreiiftible  ; 
the  expeniive  fyftem  was  precipitated  :  preroga- 
tive and  conqueft  was  the  minifterial  creed  ; 
power  the  princely  object :  and  on  the  approba- 
tory fpeech  of  the  monarch,  when  all  was  at 
hazard,  there  appeared  a  coolnefs  that  bordered 
on  apathy.  Silence  and  fubmiffion  were  enjoin- 
ed on  the  friends  of  America  in  the  houfe  of 
commons  ;  and  the  liberty  of  writing'  their 
names,  and  witnefling  their  uneafmefs  by  their 
own  lignature,  was  all  the  confolation  of  the 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  283 

protefting  lords,  while   thefe   important  quef- 
tions  were  in  agitation.* 

The  debates  in  parliament  relative  to  colonial 
meafures,  the  king's  fpeech,  and  the  rejection 
of  the  late  petition  of  the  continental  congrefs, 
arrived  in  America  before  the  month  of  March,  . 
one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-fix.  1776. 
Thefe  were  accompanied  with  the  intelligence 
of  the  Heffian  treaty,  and  that  foreign  auxilia- 
ries from  various  other  nations  were  to  be  em- 
ployed in  the  compulfory  fyftem,  and  that  the 
barbarous  ftrangere  were  to  affift  in  the  entire 
fubjugation  of  the  colonies,  if  not  otherwife  re- 
duced to  unworthy  fubmiffion. 

On  this  information,  the  indignation  of  all 
ranks  can  fcarcely  be  defcribed.  The  king's 
fpeech  was  condemned,  and  ordered  to  be  burnt 
in  the  centre  of  the  camp  at  Cambridge.  The 
wavering  were  refolved,  the  timid  grew  bold, 
the  placid  and  philofophic  lovers  of  peace  left 
the  retired  haunts  of  literary  felicity,  and  be- 
neath the  helmet  and  the  buckler,  courted  the 
poft  of  danger  : — vigorous  action  was  now  the 

*  On  the  prohibitory,  the  retraining  aft,  the  interdic- 
tion of  trade,  and  all  other  coercive  bills,  the  ufual  rate  of 
voices  in  favor  of  them,  was  from  an  hundred  and  twenty 
to  an  hundred  and  fifty — the  number  of  the  minority  fel- 
dom  more  than  thirty  or  forty  ;  when  they  amounted  to 
forty,  it  was  thought  a  confiderable  acquifition. 


284  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vin.      only  line  of  conduct  to  be  obferved  through  ev- 
"    ~  ery  department.     Previous  to  any  other  move- 

ment, it  was  judged  important  that  the  Britifh 
forces  mould  be  immediately  removed  from 
their  flrong  hold  in  the  town  of  Bofton,  left 
the  work  mould  be  rendered  more  difficult  on 
the  arrival  of  frefh  'troops  from  Great  Britain, 
now  daily  expected. 

General  Wafhington,  fenfible  of  this  neceflity, 
and  that  no  more  time  was  to  be  loft,  opened 
a  fevere  cannonade  on  the  weftern  fide,  not  far 
diftant  from  the  town,  on  the  evening  of  the 
fourth  of  March.  This  was  defigned  rather  to 
divert  attention  within  the  walls,  than  for  any 
important  confequences  expected  from  this  ma- 
noeuvre without*  The  Americans  kept  up  a 
conftant  lire  through  the  night,  while  feveral 
fmaller  works  were  erected  for  the  annoyance 
of  the  befieged ;  but  the  principal  effect  was 
expected  from  the  heights  of  Dorchefter.  By 
the  great  eft  induftry  and  difpatch,  a  ftrong  bat- 
tery, very  unexpectedly  to  the  enemy,  appear- 
ed there  on  the  morning  of  the  fifth,  from 
whence  the  Americans  played  their  artillery 
with  eafe  on  the  town.  The  aflailants  under 
the  direction  of  general  Thomas,  erected  and 
extended  their  works  in  fuch  a  judicious  man- 
ner, as  to  command  the  peninfula  leading  to 
Bofton,  Caffle- William,  and  at  the  fame  time  a 
confiderable  part  of  the  harbor. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  285 


General  Howe,  mortified  that  fuch  an  ad- 
vantageous  poft  mould  have  been  fo  long  ne- 
glected  by  himfelf,  and  aflonifhed  at  the  appear- 
ance of  fuch  ftrong  and  defenfible  works,  riling 
as  it  were  in  a  night,  without  noife  or  alarm  in 
that  quarter,  did  not  long  hefitate  on  the  part 
neceflary  for  him  to  act  in  this  critical  conjunc- 
ture. There  remained  no  alternative  between 
a  bold  and  vigorous  attempt  to  diilodge  the 
Americans,  or  an  immediate  evacuation  of  the 
town.  To  fly  on  the  firft  appearance  of  dan- 
ger, was  humiliating  to  the  pride  of  the  foldier, 
leflening  his  military  honor,  and  finking  the  dig- 
nity of  the  commander  in  chief. 

A  choice  of  difficulties  lay  before  him.  He 
was  fhort  of  provifions  ;  the  foldiers  had  be- 
come difcontented  with  the  fervice,  and  fa- 
tigued with  continual  watching  :  an  immediate 
retreat  might  appear  to  him  lefs  difgraceful, 
than  the  confequences  of  refiftance  under  many 
apparent  difad  vantages.  On  the  other  hand, 
chagrined  at  the  idea  of  drawing  off  feven  or 
eight  thoufand  of  the  beft  troops  the  king  his 
mafter  had  in  fervice,  without  ftriking  a  blow, 
and  relinquifhing  the  only  American  town  they 
then  had  in  pofleflion,  to  the  undifcipiined  -pea- 
fantry  of  the  country,  was  (till  a  more  humilia- 
ting thought.  From  thefe  confiderations  he 
made  all  poflible  preparation  to  diilodge  the 
American  troops,  the  evening  after  they  were 
difcovored  on  the  heights  of  Dorchefter.  But 


286  fHE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vm.  the  intervention  of  the  elements  difconcerted 
his  operations :  a  tremendous  ftorm  of  wind 
and  rain  prevented  the  dangerous  enterprife, 
and  faved  the  expenfe  of  much  blood. 

General  Howe  finding  his  deiign  impractica- 
ble, in  confequence  of  this  difappointment,  or- 
dered an  embarkation  to  begin  as  foon  as  the 
tempeft  fhould  fubfide.  But  embarraffed  by  a 
crowd  of  refugees  and  other  delinquents,  who, 
confcious  they  could  not  rely  on  their  country 
for  fafety,  had  thrown  themfelves  on  his  protec- 
tion }  encumbered  with  women,  children,  fur- 
niture, foldiers,  officers,  and  camp  equipage  ; 
the  inconveniences  and  dangers  of  a  voyage  at 
the  equinoctial  feafon  ;  the  iterility  of  the  coun- 
try* and  the  coldnefs  of  the  clime  to  which  he 
muft  repair,  with  a  difcontented  army  and  a 
group  of  miferable,  difappointed  tories,  render- 
ed the  iituation  of  the  Britifh  commander  in 
chief  truly  pitiable.  To  add  to  the  confufion 
of  the  fcene,  the  ftricteft  harmony  did  not  exift 
between  the  officers  of  the  army  and  navy  ; 
this  increafed  the  difficulty  of  accommodation 
on  this  unexpected  emergency,  when  fo  many 
ufelefs  perfons  claimed  protection  and  fub- 
fiitence. 

When  the  Americans  faw  the  Britifli  troops 
about  to  depart,  they  did  not  offer  to  impede 

*  General  Howe  went  from  Bofton  to  Halifax,  Nova 
Scotia. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  287 


their  defign  in  the  fmalleft  degree  ;  the  cannon- 
ade  was  fufpended,  and  they  beheld  with  an  eye 
of  compaflion,  the  extraordinary  emigration  of 
fome  hundreds  of  difaffected  Americans,  whom 
they  fuffered  to  depart  with  the  fuccefslefs  ar- 
my, without  a  wim  to  retard  their  flight. 
Thefe  unhappy  people  took  with  them  fuch  of 
their  effects  as  the  hurry  of  the  occaiion  and 
their  military  mailers  would  permit.  General 
Wafhington  with  a  few  troops  entered  Bofton, 
with  the  enfigns  of  triumph  difplayed,  and  be- 
held the  rear  of  the  panic-ftruck  army  of  Britain, 
precipitately  flying  from  a  town  that  had  long 
been  the  object  of  minifterial  vengeance. 

This  bloodlefs  victory  on  the  one  fide,  and  the 
difgraceful  flight  on  the  other,  was  viewed  with 
pleafure  and  furprife,  or  with  aftonifhment  and 
grief,in  proportion  to  thepolitical  hopes  andfears 
that  agitated  the  various  parties,  who  all  confider- 
edthe  tranfactions  of  the  day  replete  with  impor- 
tant confequences.  Every  mark  of  refpect  was 
externally>fliewn  to  general  Wafhington,  even 
by  thofe  who  were  not  well  affected  to  the  caufe 
in  which  he  was  engaged.  Many  of  this  clafs, 
more  culpable  than  fome  who  went  off  with  the 
Britifh  army,  chofe  to  ftay  and  caft  themfelves 
on  the  mercy  of  their  countrymen,  rather  than 
to  hazard  the  danger  of  a  voyage,  the  lofs  of 
property,  and  a  feparation  from  their  families. 

Some,  much  lefs  criminal  than  thefe,  and 
many  really  inoffenfive  perfons,  fuddenly  ftruck 


288  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

•HAP.  VHI.  with  imaginary  fears,  abandoned  their  habita- 
tions  and  their  country,  which  by  a  little  ad- 
drefs  they  might  quietly  have  poffefTed.  Seve- 
ral very  doubtful  characters  not  only  acted  with 
decent  civility  and  condefcenfion,  but  confi- 
dently affumed  merit  to  themfelves  as  friends 
of  the  revolution :  fome  of  thefe  were  after- 
wards promoted  to  places  and  offices  of  high 
truft.  Indeed  the  loyalifls  in  general  who  flay- 
ed in  Bofton,  and  chofe  to  run  all  hazards  rather 
than  quit  their  native  country,  experienced 
much  clemency  from  the  oppofite  party  ;  yet, 
perhaps  not  in  the  full  latitude  that  policy  might 
have  dictated :  but  the  impreffions  of  danger 
and  infult  to  which  the  victors  had  long  been 
expofed,  operated  more  powerfully  in  the  minds 
of  many,  than  the  laws  of  forgivenefs,  or  the 
diflant  view  of  political  confequences. 

Thus  a  kind  of  inquifitorial  court  was  erect- 
ed in  Bofton,  and  fome  perfons  more  warm  than 
difcreet,  and,  more  zealous  than  judicious,  were 
appointed  to  decide  on  the  criminality  of  ftate 
delinquents,  fever al  of  whom  were  adjudged  to 
punimments  rather  ridiculous  than  fevere. 
This  ftep  tended  only  to  ftrengthen  the  aliena- 
tion of  thofe  who  had,  either  from  intereft, 
treachery,  timidity,  or  a  paffion  for  the  fplen- 
dor  of  monarchy,  enlifted  under  the  banners  of 
royalty,  without  any  fixed  principles  in  religion 
or  politics.  Had  the  new  government  at  this 
period,  pafled  an  act  of  indemnity  and  oblivion. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  289 

and  proclaimed  pardon  to  all  who  had  incurred 
the  public  refentment,  excepting  a  few  who  had 
notorioufly  deferved  profcription,  it  is  probable 
many  would  have  returned  to  the  bofom  of 
their  country,  and  become  faithful  fubjecls  to 
the  United  States,  when  they  could  have  done 
it  without  the  imputation  of  being  rebels  to 
their  fovereign.  This  conlideration  before  the 
declaration  of  independence,  fiad  a  confcientious 
influence  on  the  minds  of  Tome -who  difapprov- 
ed  of  the  minifterial  encroachments,  yet  fcru- 
pled  the  right  of  refiftance  while  the  legal  fub- 
jecls  of  the  firitim  crown  ;  but  the  line  of  fep- 
aration  foon  after  drawn,  the  doubts  of  many 
well-difpofed  perfons  were  entirely  diflipated. 

After  the  evacuation  of  Bofton,  the  fucceilion 
of  important  events  was  too  rapid  for  the  mind 
to  dwell  long  on  fingle  incidents.  It  remained 
for  fome  time  uncertain  where  the  Britiih  army 
and  navy  would  next  direct  their  operations. 
Though  they  failed  immediately  for  Halifax,  it 
was  only  to  difembark  their  ufelefs  hands,  and 
fecure  a  rendezvous  until  freih  reinforcements 
fliould  arrive  from  England. 

The  fituation  of  the  fouthern  colonies  at  this 
time  commanded  the  attention  c»f  every  well- 
wifher  to  the  American  caufe.  Some  time  be- 
fore the  Britifh  troops  left  Bofton,  general  Clin- 
ton had  been  fent  fouthward  to  the  affiftance  af 

VOL.  i,  2....N 


290  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  via.      governor  Martin  and  lord  William  Campbell. 

""~  We  have  feen  that  before  they  left  their  gov- 
ernments, they  had  inftigated  a  number  of  the 
back  fettlers  in  the  Carolinas  to  create  difturb- 
ances.  Thefe  people  formerly  aggrieved  by 
their  own  government,  had  ftyled  themfelves 
Regulators ,  had  embodied  for  oppolition,  had  re- 
fifted  authority,  and  had  fuffered  fever ely. 
They  were  now  perfuaded,  that  the  fame  per- 
fons  who  had  fome  years  before  oppreffed  them, 
were  at  this  time  in  rebellion  againft  their  fove- 
reign.  This  opinion  was  ftrengthened  by  gov- 
ernor Martin,  who  kept  up  a  correfpondence 
with  their  leaders,  and  invited  them  to  repair 
to  the  royal  ftandard  at  Brunfwick,  where  they 
mould  be  fupported  by  a  large  body  of  the 
king's  troops. 

Though  as  obferved,  thefe  people  had  been 
compelled  to  fubmiffion,  and  had  remained  quiet 
a  number  of  years,  yet  their  old  antipathies 
were  not  obliterated.  Ignorant  of  the  caufes 
of  the  general  uneaiinefs  of  the  colonies,  and 
miftaken  in  character,  they  united  under  the 
very  men  who  had  formerly  exercifed  every  fe- 
verity  againft  them  and  their  leaders.*  Thefe 
were  joined  by  the  Highlanders,  who  had  mi- 

*  Particularly  a  colonel  Fanning,  a  violent  partifan  of 
the  crown,  who  had  been  in  the  former  infurreclion,  the 
executioner  of  moft  of  their  principal  leaders,  without  even 
the  form  of  a  trial. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  291 

grated  in  fhoals  after  the  rebellion  in  Scotland,  CHAP.VHI. 
in  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  forty-five  :  ~~ 
they  had  fuffered  too  much  not  to  dread  a  fec- 
ond  oppofition  to  the  authority  of  the  king  of 
England.  Thefe  defcriptions  of  men  were  for 
a  time  very  troublefome  on  the  fouthern  bor- 
ders, more  particularly  of  North  Carolina  ;  but 
by  the  fpirit  and  activity  of  fome  continental 
troops,  under  the  command  of  brigadier  gene- 
ral More,  the  whole  party  was  defeated.  Their 
commanding  officer  Macdonald,  and  moft  of 
their  other  officers  imprifoned,  the  unhappy 
remnant  who  efcaped  imprifonment  or  death, 
retreated  xto  the  woods  ;  and  all  hope  or  fear 
from  this  quarter,  was  extinguilhed  before  the 
arrival  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  at  Cape  Fear. 

As  foon  as  it  was  difcovered  at  Cambridge, 
that  general  Clinton  had  left  Bofton,  general 
Lee  was  ordered  to  fet  forward  to  obferve  his 
manoeuvres,  and  prepare  to  meet  him  with  ad- 
vantage in  any  part  of  the  continent  he  might 
think  proper  to  vifit.  No  man  was  better 
qualified  at  this  early  ftage  of  the  war,  to  pene- 
trate the  defigns,  or  to  face  in  the  field  an  ex- 
perienced Britifh  veteran,  than  general  Lee.  He 
had  been  an  officer  of  character  and  rank  in 
the  late  war  between  England  and  France.* 
Fearlefs  of  danger,  and  fond  of  glory,  he  was 

*  He  had  ferved  with  reputation  in  Portugal,  under  the 
command  of  the  count  de  la  Lippe. 


'292  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.VUX.  calculated  for  the  field,  without  any  of  the 
graces  that  recommend  the  foldier  to  the  cir- 
cles of  the  polite.  He  was  plain  in  his  perfon 
even  to  uglinefs,  and  carelefs  in  his  manners  to  a 
degree  of  rudenefs.  He  poffeffed  a  bold  genius 
and  an  unconquerable  fpirit :  his  voice  was 
rough,  his  garb  ordinary,  his  deportment  mo- 
rofe.  A  confiderable  traveller,  and  well  ac- 
quainted with  moil  of  the  European  nations, 
he  was  frequently  agreeable  in  narration,  and 
judicious  and  entertaining  in  obfervation.  Dif- 
gufted  with  the  minifterial  fyftem,  and  more  fo 
with  his  fovereign  who  authorifed  it,  he  cheriih- 
ed  the  American  caufe  from  motives  of  refent- 
ment,  and  a  predilection  in  favor  of  freedom, 
more  than  from  a  juft  fenfe  of  the  rights  of 
mankind. 

Without  religion  or  country,  principle,  or 
attachment,  gold  was  his  deity,  and  liberty  the 
idol  of  his  fancy  :  he  hoarded  the  former  with- 
out tafte  for  its  enjoyment,  and  worihipped  the 
latter  as  the  patronefs  of  licentioufnefs,  rather 
than  the  proteclrefs  of  virtue.  He  affected  to 
defpife  the  opinion  of  the  world,  yet  was  fond 
of  applaufe.  Ambitious  of  fame  without  the 
dignity  to  fupport  it,  he  emulated  the  heroes  of 
antiquity  in  the  field,  while  in  private  life  he 
funk  into  the  vulgarity  of  the  clown.  Congrefs 
did  wifely  to  avail  themfelves  of  his  military 
experience  in  the  infancy  of  a  confederated  ar- 
my, and  ftill  more  wifely  in  placing  him  in  a  de- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  295 


grce  of  fubordination.  He  was  on  the  firft  lift 
of  continental  officers,  and  only  the  generals  ^ 
Washington  and  Ward  were  named  before  him  ; 
but  though  nominally  the  third  in  rank,  as  a 
foldier  he  was  fecond  to  no  man.  The  abilities 
of  general  Ward  were  better  adapted  to  the 
more  quiet  difquifitions  of  the  cabinet,  th^on 
the  hoflile  and  dangerous  fcenes  of  the  field  or 
the  camp,  both  which  he  foon  left  and  retired 
to  private  life,  when  nothing  remained  to  pre- 
vent this  iingular  ftranger  from  taking  the  com- 
mand of  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  but 
the  life  of  Walhington. 

General  Lee  with  his  detachment  from  Cam- 
bridge  reached  New  York,  and  put.  it  in  a  ftate 
of  defence,  before  iir  Henry  Clinton  arrived 
there,  though  he  had  failed  from  Bofton  feveral 
days  previous  to  its  being  known  at  Cambridge. 
While  at  NewYork,  Lee  drew  up  a  lift  of  fufpecl- 
ed  perfons,  and  difarmed  them.  He  carried 
his  military  authority  fo  high,  that  the  congrefs 
of  that  ftate  thought  proper  to  check  his  career  : 
they  informed  him,  that  the  trial  and  punifh- 
.ment  of  their  citizens  belonged  to  themfelves, 
and  not  to  any  military  character.  He  apolo- 
gized by  obferving,  that  "  when  the  enemy 
"  were  at  the  door,"  forms  muft  be  difpenfed 
"  with  ;  that  his  duty  to  them,  to  the  continent, 
"  and  to  his  confcience,  dictated  the  meafure  ; 
"  that  if  he  had  done  wrong,  he  would  fubmit 
"  himfelf  to  the  fliame  of  being  imputed  rafli  ; 


294  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  VUL      "  but  that  he  fhould  ftill  have  the  confolation  in 

"  his  own  breaft,  that  pure  motives  of  ferving 

\     "  the  community,  uncontaminated  by  individ- 

"  ual  refentment,  had  urged  him  to  thofefteps." 

The  movements  of  general  Lee  were  fo  rapid, 
wai  to  the  furprife  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  he 
was  in  Virginia  before  him.  But  as  the  object 
of  the  Britifh  armament  was  flill  farther  fouth, 
Lee  with  uncommon  celerity,  traverfed  the  con- 
tinent, met  general  Clinton  in  North  Carolina, 
and  was  again  ready  for  the  defence  of  Sulli- 
van's Illand,  near  Charlefton  in  South  Carolina, 
before  the  arrival  of  the  Britifh  troops  under 
the  command  of  general  Clinton. 

Sir  Peter  Parker  had  appeared  off  Cape  Fear 
}n  the  month  of  May,  one  thoufand  feven  hun- 
dred and  feventy^fix,  with  a  coniiderable  fquad- 
ron  of  line-of-battle  mips,  and  a  number  of 
tranfports  containing  feveral  regiments  of  land 
forces,  and  a  heavy  train  of  artillery.  A  body 
of  troops  commanded  by  lord  Cornwallis  and 
general  Vaughan  were  foon  after  landed  on 
Long  Ifland  :  the  defign  was  to  unite  with  gene- 
ral Clinton,  and  reduce  Charlefton,  the  rich 
capital  of  South  Carolina.  This  ftate  had 
thrown  off  their  allegiance,  aifumed  a  govern- 
ment Of  their  own,  and  chofen  John  Rutledge, 
Efq.  their  chief  magiftrate,  under  the  ftyle  and 
title  of  Prefident*. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

Notwithftanding  the  parade  of  immediate  at-  CHAP 
tack,  near  a  month  elapfed  in  total  inaction,  be- 
fore the  aflault  on  Sullivan's  Ifland  was  begun 
by  the  Britifli  naval  commander  :  in  the  mean 
time,  the  Americans  were  ftrongly  pofted  there. 
The  engagement  took  place  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  June,  and  was  conducted  with  great 
fpirit  and  bravery  on  both  fides  ;  the  higheft  en- 
comiums are  juftly  due  to  the  valor  and  intre- 
pidity of  the  Britifli  officers  and  feamen  ;  and 
notwithftanding  the  courage  and  ability  of  gen- 
eral Gadfden,  the  vigor,  activity,  and  bravery 
of  general  Moultrie,  and  the  experience  and 
military  knowledge  of  general  Lee,  it  is  proba- 
ble the  action  would  have  terminated  more  to 
the  honor  of  the  Britifli  navy,  had  they  been 
properly  fupported  by  the  land  forces. 

It  remains  yet  to  be  inveftigated,  why  no  at- 
tempt was  made  by  the  troops  on  Long  Ifland, 
to  caufe  a  diverfion  on  the  other  fide,  which 
would  doubtlefs  have  altered  the  whole  face  of 
the  action.     But  whether  from  a  feries  of  un- 
expected refiftance,  their  imaginations  had  be- 
come habituated  to  view  every  thing  through 
the  medium  of  danger,  or  whether  from  a  de- 
gree of  caution  that   fometimes   betrays  the 
brave  into  the  appearance  of  timidity,  or  from 
any  jealoufies    fubfifting    between   the    com- 
manders, is  uncertain.     However,  this  neglect 
occafioned  loud  complaints  among  the  officers 
of  the  navy  ;  nor  was  it  eafy  for  lord  Cornwallis 


296  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS     OF 

.      and  general  Clinton,  though  high  on  the  rolls 


of  military  fame,  to  wipe  off  the  afperiions 
thrown  on  their  conduct.  Even  their  apolo- 
gies for  their  own  inactivity,  inftead  of  excul- 
pating themfelves,  were  rather  a  teftimony  of 
the  fkill,  ability,  and  vigor  of  their  antagonifts  ; 
who,  in  fo  mort  a  time,  were  prepared  to  bid 
defiance  to  the  combined  force  of  Britain,  though 
commanded  by  fea  and  land,  by  officers  of  ac- 
knowledged merit  in  the  line  of  their  profeffion. 

Many  brave  officers  of  the  navy  fought  with 
valor  and  fpirit,  that  would  have  been  truly  glo- 
rious in  a  more  honorable  caufe.  One  inftance 
of  this,  among  many  others  of  the  unfortunate 
who  fell  on  the  occaiion,  was  the  valiant  and 
fpirited  captain  Morris  of  the  Briftol  :  he  loft  an 
arm  by  a  ball  in  the  beginning  of  the  engage- 
ment, and  while  retired  to  drefs  his  wounds, 
two  of  his  furgeons  were  killed  by  his  lide,  be- 
fore they  had  finimcd  the  operation.  On  this, 
the  captain  with  his  ufual  intrepidity,  refumed 
his  command  ;  when  he  immediately  received 
a  fhot  through  the  body,  and  had  time  only  to 
obferve  before  he  expired,  that  "  he  coniigned 
"  his  family  to  his  God  and  his  country."  Af- 
ter an  obftinate  engagement  of  ten  or  twelve 
hours,  the  faiiors  difheartened,  and  their  offi- 
cers wounded,*  the  fhattered  fleet  with  diffi- 

*  Lord  William  Campbell,  governor  of  South  Carolina, 
who  had  taken  refuge  on  board  one  of  the  king's  fhips, 
was  mortallv  wounded  in  the  attack  on  fort  Moultrie. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  '297 


culty  retired  to  the  diftance  of  three  or  four 
miles  from  tlxe  fort,  and  in  a  few  days  put 
themfelves  in  a  condition  to  withdraw  to  the 
general  rendezvous  before  New  York. 

The  triumph  of  the  Americans  in  this  fuc- 

cefs,  who  had  always  juftly  dreaded  the  naval 

power  of  Britain,  was  in   equal  proportion  to 

the  chagrin  of  their  enemies,  thus  repulfed  in  a 

quarter  where,  from  the  locality  of  circumilan- 

ces,  they  leaft  ,  expected  it.     The  multitude  of 

manumitted  Haves,  and  the  ariftocratic  fpirit  of 

many   of  the  principal  planters,  had  flattered 

them  with  the  idea,  that  in  the  fouthern  colo- 

nies they  mould  meet  but  a  feeble  refiftance. 

Lord  Dunmore,  who  had  joined  in  the  expedi- 

tion, continued  feveral  weeks  after  the  repulfe, 

to  cruife  about  the  borders  of  Virginia,  and  the 

Carolinas,  with  his  little  fleet  of  fugitives  and 

Haves.    But,  as  the  mid-fummer  heats  increafed, 

a  peflilential  fever  raged  on  board,  which  car- 

ried off  many  of  the  refugees,  and  fwept  away 

moft  of  the  miferable  negroes  he  had  decoyed 

from    their    matters.      Forbidden    admittance 

wherever  he  attempted  to  land,  and  fuffering 

for  proviiions,  he  burnt  feveral  of  his  veflels  ; 

the  remainder,  except  one  in  which  he  flickered 

himfelf  and  family,  and  two    other  fliips  of 

war  for  his  protection,  he  fent  laden  with  the 

wretched  victims  of  his  folly  and  cruelty,  to 

VOL.  I.  2....O 


298  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 


1776. 


feek  fome  kind  of  fubliftence  in  the  Floridas, 
Bermudas,  and  the  Weft  Indies. 

Lord  Howe  had  been  long  expefted  with  his 
motley  mercenaries  from  HefTe,  Hanover,  and 
Brunfwick.  His  brother  Sir  William,  after  a 
difagreeable  reiidence  of  two  or  three  months 
at  Halifax,  did  not  think  proper  to  wait  longer 
there  the  arrival  of  his  lordfhip.  Miferably  ac- 
commodated, and  painfully  agitated  by  the  re- 
collection of  his  difgraceful  flight  from  Bofton, 
anxious  for  intelligence  from  Europe,  and  dif- 
treffed  by  the  delay  of  recruits  and  fupplies, 
without  which  little  could  be  done  to  retrieve 
his  fuffering  fame,  he  quitted  that  ftation,  ac- 
companied by  admiral  Shuldham,  and  arrived 
at  Sandy  Hook  the  twenty-ninth  of  June.  On 
his  paiTage  to  New  York,  he  accidentally  fell  in 
with  a  few  fcattering  tranfports  from  England, 
which  he  took  under  his  protection,  while  ma- 
ny lefs  fortunate  were  captured  by  the  Ameri- 
can cruifers. 

General  Howe  was,  foon  after  his  arrival  at 
New  York,  joined  by  the  repulfed  troops  from 
the  fouthward,  and  the  broken  fquadron  under 
the  command  of  Sir  Peter  Parker ;  by  a  regi- 
ment from  St.  Auguftine,  another  from  Penfa- 
cola,  alfo  by  a  few  troops  from  St.  Vincents, 
fome  fmall  additions  from  other  pofts,  and  a 
conliderable  party  of  loyalifts  from  New  Jerfey, 
and  from  the  environs  of  Philadelphia  and  New 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  299 

York,  which  by  great  induflry  had  been  collect-  CHAP.  vm. 
ed  and  embodied  by  governor  Tryon.  Not- 
withftanding  this  acquifition  of  ftrength,  he 
found  the  continental  army  fo  ftrongly  pofted 
on  Long  Ifland  and  New  York,  that  he  did  not 
immediately  attempt  any  thing  of  confequence. 

Immediately  after  the  evacuation  of  Bofton, 
general  Wafhington  had  fent  on  the  army  in 
detachments,  and  when  he  had  made  fome  ne- 
ceffary  arrangements  for  the  future  defence  of 
the  eaftern  Hates,  he  haftened  on  himfelf  to  New 
York,  where  he  had  made  all  poflible  prepara- 
tion for  the  reception  of  general  Howe.  It  has 
juft  been  obferved,  that  the  Britifh  commander 
had  collected  all  his  ftrength,  and  called  in  the 
forces  from  every  quarter  of  America  except 
Canada,  where,  under  the  direction  of  the  gen- 
erals Carleton  and  Burgoyne,  meafures  were  ri- 
pening for  a  junction  at  Albany,  with  the  ex- 
pelled conquerors  of  the  more  fouthern  colo- 
nies. But  in  the  prefent  circumftance  of  affairs, 
general  Howe  thought  proper  to  land  his  troops 
at  Staten  Ifland,  and  wait  more  favorable  ap- 
pearances, which  he  had  reafon  to  expect  on  the 
arrival  of  his  brother,  an  event  hourly  and  anx- 
iouily  looked  for. 

His  lordfhip  was  confidered  by  many  in 
America,  as  the  harbinger  of  peace,  though  ad- 
vancing in  all  the  pride  and  pomp  of  war,  ac- 
companied by  the  ready  executioners  of  every 


300  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  vm.  hoftile  defign.  It  was  reported,  that  the  com* 
"~^  mander  of  a  formidable  equipment  both  for  fea 
and  land  fervice,  came  out  in  a  double  capacity  ; 
that  though  prepared  for  offenfive  operations, 
lord  Howe  had  yet  a  commiffion  from  his  royal 
mailer  to  accommodate  the  difputes,  and  to  re- 
ftore  tranquillity  to  the  colonies,  on  generous 
and  equitable  terms.  The  augurs  of  each  party 
predicted  the  confequences  of  this  minifterial 
manoeuvre,  and  interpreted  the  deiigns  of  his 
lordfhip's  corrhniflion,  according  to  their  own 
hopes,  fears,  or  expectations, 

In  the  infancy  of  her  emancipation,  America 
was  not  fuch  an  adept  in  the  fcience  of  political 
intrigue,  but  that  many  yet  flattered  themfelves, 
that  an  accommodation  might  take  place,  and 
that  halcyon  days  might  be  reflored  by  the  in- 
terpofition  of  the  two  brothers,  lord  and  gene- 
ral Howe,  joined  in  the  commiflion  of  peace  un- 
der the  fanclion  of  royal  indulgence  ;  but  more 
judicious  men  faw  through,  and  defpifed  the 
bubble  of  policy,  which  held  a  pardon  in  one 
hand  and  a  poniard  in  the  other,  with  the  de- 
teftable  offer  of  aflafTmation  or  flavery.  They 
conlidered  the  mode  of  pacification  propofed, 
as  at  once  an  infult  to  the  feelings,  and  an  af- 
front to  the  understandings  of  a  people,  too  fe- 
rious  for  trifling  when  all  was  at  ftake,  and  too 
wife  to  be  cajoled  by  fuperficial  appearances. 
Yet,  thofe  beft  acquainted  with  the  lituation 
and  character,  the  genius  and  connexions  of  the 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  301 

inhabitants  of  the  middle  colonies,  were  not  fur-    CHAP.VIH. 
prifed  to  find  many  among  them,  who  feemed 
ready  to  embrace  fuch  humiliating  conditions, 
as  ±he  fafety,  the  intereft,  the  honor,  and  juf- 
tice  of  America,  were  bound  to  reject. 

It  was  well  known,  that  from  the  beginning 
of  the  grand  conteft,  the  lamp  of  liberty  had 
not  burnt  fo  bright  in  New  York,  New  Jerfey, 
and  Pennfylvania,  as  in  fome  other  parts  of 
America.  Though  there  was  a  party  in  New 
York  ftrongly  attached  to  the  caufe  of  the  col- 
onies, there  had  been  early  realbn  to  fuppofe, 
that  fome  men  of  high  confideration  in  that 
ftate  were  not  entirely  proof  againft  the  influ- 
ence of  minifterial  gold.  New  Jerfey  was  the 
retreat  of  the  timid,  the  difaffecled,  and  the  lov- 
ers of  inglorious  eafe,  from  each  corner  of 
America.  They  there  thought  they  might  reft 
fecure  from  the  ravages  of  war,  as  the  torch 
which  was  lighted  at  both  ends,  might  be  extin- 
guilhed  before  it  penetrated  to  the  centre. 

The  quakers  and  the  proprietary  intereft,  long- 
hung  as  a  dead  weight  on  the  fpirited  meafures 
of  the  genuine  friends  of  freedom  and  of  their 
country,  both  in  Pennfylvania  and  Maryland  ; 
but  the  incidents  of  a  few  months  connected 
every  intereft,  and  brought  almoft  every  diifen- 
tient  voice  into  union,  and  liaftened  on  an  event 
that  every  one  conlidered  as  deciiive  of  the  fate 
of  America.  The  neceffity  of  a  declaration  of 


302  THE    RISE   AND    PROGRESS   OF 

independence  was  acknowledged  by  all :  even 
Maryland,  the  laft  ftate  in  the  union  that  came 
into  the  meafure,  and  whofe  delegates  fe- 
ceded  on  the  queftion  of  independence,  was 
among  the  firft  who  erefted  their  own  govern- 
ment, and  eftablifhed  their  own  modes  of  legif- 
lation,  independent  of  proprietors  or  kings. 

"  The  dread  of  flavery  in  free  nations,  has  at 
*c  all  times  produced  more  virtues  than  the  prin- 
"  ciples  of  their  political  inftitutions."*  This 
dread  hung  heavily  on  the  moft  fober  and  judi- 
cious, the  moft  wife  and  virtuous  part  of  the 
inhabitants  of  America.  They  were  fenlible 
that  both  public  and  private  virtue  fink  with 
the  lofs  of  liberty,  and  that  the  nobler  emula- 
lations  which  are  drawn  out  and  adorn  the  foul 
of  man,  when  not  fettered  by  fervility,  frequent: 
ly  hide  themfelves  in  the  {hade,  or  fhrink  into 
littlenefs  at  the  frown  of  a  defpot.  They  felt 
too  much  for  themfelves,  and  feared  too  much 
for  pofterity,  longer  to  balance  between  either 
complete  or  partial  fubmiffion,  or  an  unreferved 
and  entire  claim  to  abfolute  independence. 

Thefe  ideas  precipitated  the  important  era 
when  a  connexion  was  diffolved,  the  continu- 
ance of  which  both  nature  and  affection  feemed 
to  require.  Great  Britain  the  revered  parent, 
and  America  the  dutiful  child,  had  long  been 

*'  Travels  of  Anacharfis. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  303 

bound  together  by  intereft,  by  a  famenefs  of  CHAP.™. 
habits,  manners,  religion,  laws,  and  govern- 
ment.  The  recollection  of  their  original  con- 
fanguinity  had  always  been  cherifhed  with  an 
amiable  fenfibility,  or  a  kind  of  mechanic  enthu- 
liafm,  that  promoted  mutual  felicity  when  they 
met  on  each  other's  fhores,  or  -in  diftant  lands 
faluted  each  other  in  the  fame  language. 

A  dereliction  of  old  habits  of  friendfliip  and 
attachment  was  far  from  the  wifh  of  many, 
who  had  yet  ftrongly  oppofed  the  minifterial 
fyftem  :  but  the  period  was  now  arrived,  when 
America  felt  her  wrongs,  without  hope  of  re- 
drefs,  and  fupported  her  own  rights  by  aflum- 
ing  her  rank  as  a  diftinct  nation  on  the  political 
theatre.  We  mall  fee  her  relinquiih  at  once 
all  hopes  of  protection,  or  fears  of  control,  from 
the  fovereignty  of  Britain.  The  reverential 
awe  with  which  me  had  formerly  viewed  her 
potent  parent,  was  laid  afide,  and  every  effort 
made  to  forget  her  fond  attachment  for  a  peo- 
ple, that  from  her  earlieft  infancy  me  had  look- 
ed up  to  as  fathers,  brothers,  and  friends. 

The  feverities  of  the  Britim  government  to- 
wards the  American  colonies,  had  not  yet 
taught  them  to  exprefs  themfelves  in  any  other 
modes  of  language,  but  what  indicated  their 
firm  attachment  to  the  mother  country ;  nor 
had  they  erafed  the  habitual  ideas,  even  of  ten- 
dernefs,  conveyed  in  their  ufual  modes  of  ex- 


304  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.™*,      prefllon.     When  they  formed  a  defign  to  vifit 

1 England,  it  had  always  been  thus   announced, 

"  I  am  going  home."  Home,  the  feat  of  hap- 
pinefs,  the  retreat  to  all  the  felicities  of  the  hu- 
man mind,  is  too  intimately  affociated  with  the 
beft  feelings  of  the-  heart,  to  renounce  without 
pain,  whether  applied  to  the  natural  or  the  po- 
litical parent. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION,  305 


CHAP.  IX. 


CHAPTER  IX.  me- 

Declaration  of  Independence. — Lord  Howe's  Arrival  in 
America. — Action  on  Long  Ifland. — Retreat  of  the 
Americans  through  the  Jerfies,  and  the  Lofs  of  the 
Forts  Washington  and  Lee. — Affairs  in  Canada. — Sur-  • 
prife  of  the  Heffians  at  Trenton. — Various  Tranfactions 
in  the  Jerfies. — General  Howe's  Retreat — Makes  Head- 
Quarters  at  Brunfwick — His  Indecilion — Some  Traits 
of  his  Character. 

1  HE  commiflioners  who  had  been  announced 
as  the  meflengers  of  peace,  were  now  hourly  ex- 
peeled  ;  but  the  dubious  afpecl:  of  their  miffion, 
and  the  equivocal  character  in  which  they  were 
about  to  appear,  was  far  from  lulling  to  inatten- 
tion the  guardians  of  the  caufe  of  America. 
Their  errand  was  ofteniibly,  to  reftore  peace  to 
the  colonies ;  but  many  circumftances  combined 
to  evince,  that  the  deiign  was  in  reality,  to  fur- 
nifli  new  pretexts  for  the  profecution  of  the 
war,  with  redoubled  vigor.  Thus  was  the  con- 
tinental congrefs  fully  convinced  of  the  impro- 
priety of  longer  holding  themfelves  in  fufpenfe, 
by  delufory  hopes,  or  the  uncertain  termination 
of  their  expectations  or  their  fears.  They  were 
fenfible  the  ftep  they  were  about  to  take,  would 
either  fet  their  country  on  the  pinnacle  of  hu- 
man glory,  or  plunge  it  in  the  abject  ftate  into 
which  turbulent  and  conquered  colonies  have 

VOL.    J.  2r.».P 


306  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  i*.  been  generally  reduced.  Yet  they  wifely  judg- 
~~  ed,  that  this  was  a  proper  period  to  break  the 
fhackles,  and  renounce  all  political  union  with 
the  parent  ftate,  by  a  free  and  bold  declaration 
of  the  independence  of  the  American  States. 
This  meafure  had  been  contemplated  by  fome 
gentlemen  in  the  feveral  colonies,  fome  months 
before  it  took  place.  They  had  communicated 
their  fentiments  to  the  individual  members  of 
congrefs,  but  that  body  had  been  apprehenfive, 
that  the  people  at  large  were  not  prepared  to 
unite  in  a  ftep  fo  replete  with  important  confe- 
quences.  But  the  moment  of  deciiion  had  now 
arrived,  when  both  the  congrefs  and  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  colonies  advanced  too  far  to  recede. 

Richard  Henry  Lee,  Efq.,  a  delegate  from  the 
ftate  of  Virginia,  a  gentleman  of  diftinguilhed 
abilities,  uniform  patriotifm,  and  unihaken  firm- 
ncfs  and  integrity,  was  the  firft  who  dared  explic- 
itly to  propofe,  that  this  decided  meafure,  on 
which  hung  fuch  mighty  confequences,  mould  no 
longer  be  delayed.  This  public  and  unequivo- 
cal propofal,  from  a  man  of  his  virtue  and  ihin- 
ing  qualities,  appeared  to  fpread  a  kind  of  fud- 
den  difmay.  A  iilent  aftonifhment  for  a  few 
minutes  feemed  to  pervade  the  whole  aflembly : 
this  was  foon  fucceeded  by  a  long  debate,  and 
a  conHderable  diviiion  of  fentiment  on  the  im- 
portant queftion. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  307 

After  the  fhort  iilence  juft  obferved,  the  meaf-  CHAP.  «. 
ure  propofed  by  Mr.  Lee  was  advocated  with  ~~~~~ 
peculiar  zeal  by  John  Adams,  Efq.,  of  the  Maf- 
fachufetts  Bay.  He  rofe  with  a  face  of  intrepid- 
ity and  the  voice  of  energy,  and  invoked  the 
god  of  eloquence,  to  enable  him  to  do  juftice  to 
the  caufe  of  his  country,  and  to  enforce  this  im- 
portant ftep  in  fuch  a  manner,  as  might  filence 
all  oppofition,  and  convince  every  one  of  the  ne- 
ceility  of  an  immediate  declaration  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  United  States  of  America. 

Mr.  John  Dickinfon,  of  Pennfylvania,  took 
the  lead  in  ojzjpofition  to  the  boldnefs  and  dan- 
ger of  this  decided  meafure.  He  had  drawn 
the  petition  to  the  king  forwarded  by  Mr.  Penn, 
and  though  no  man  was  more  ftrenuous  in  fup- 
port  of  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  he  had  always 
been  averfe  to  a  feparation  from  Britain,  and 
fhuddered  at  the  idea  of  an  avowed  revolt 
of  the  American  colonies.  He  arofe  on  this  oc- 
cafion  with  no  lefs  folemnity  than  Mr.  Adams 
had  recently  done,  and  with  equal  pathos  of  ex- 
preflion,  and  more  brilliance  of  epithet,  he  in- 
voked the  Great  Governor  of  the  Univerfe,  to  an- 
imate him  with  powers  of  language  fufficient  to 
exhibit  a  view  of  the  dread  confequences  to  both 
countries,  that  fuch  a  hafty  difmemberment  of 
the  empire  might  produce.  He  defcanted  large- 
ly on  the  happy  effects  that  might  probaby  en- 
fue  from  more  patient  and  conciliatory  difpoli- 


308  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.       tions,  and  urged  at  leaft  a  temporary  fufpewiiori 
"  of  a  ftep,  that  could  never  be  revoked.     He  de- 

clared that  it  was  his  opinion,  that  even  policy 
forbade  the  precipitation  of  this  meafure,  and 
that  humanity  more  flrongly  dictated,  that  they 
ought  to  wait  longer  the  fuccefs  of  petitions 
and  negociations,  before  they  formally  renoun^ 
ced  their  allegiance  to  the  king  of  Great  Britain, 
broke  off  all  connexion  with  England,  plunged 
alone  into  an  unequal  war,  and  rulhed  without 
allies  into  the  unforefeen  and  inevitable  dan- 
gers  that  attended  it. 

The  confequences  of  fuch  a  folemn  act  of  fep- 
aration  were  indeed  of  ferious  and  extenfive 
magnitude.  The  energy  of  brilliant  talents, 
and  great  ftrength  of  argument,  were  difplayed 
by  both  parties  on  this  weighty  occafion.  The 
reafons  urging  the  neceffity  of  decifion,  and  the 
indubitable  danger  of  delay,  were  clear  and  co- 
gent ;  the  objections,,  plaulible,  humane,  and 
important :  but  after  a  fair  difcuffion  of  the 
queftion,  an  accurate  llatement  of  the  reafons 
for  adopting  the  meafure,  and  a  candid  fcrutiny 
of  the  objections  againft  it,  grounded  either  on 
policy  or  humanity,  a  large  majority  of  the 
members  of  congrefs  appeared  in  favor  of  an 
immediate  renunciation  of  allegiance  to  the 
crown,  or  any  future  fubjugation  to  the  king 
of  Great  Britain. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  309 

A  declaration*  of  the  independence  of  Amer-  CHAP.IX. 
lea,  and  the  fovereignty  of  the  United  States, 
was  drawn  by  the  ingenious  and  philofophic 
pen  of  Thomas  Jefferfon,  Efq.,  a  delegate  from 
the  ftate  of  Virginia.!  The  delegates  from 
twelvef  of  the  American  States2  agreed  almoft 
unanimoufly  to  this  declaration  ;  the  language, 
the  principles,  and  the  fpirit  of  which,  were 
equally  honorable  to  themfelves  and  their  coun- 
try. It  was  iigned  by  John  Hancock,  then  prefi- 
dent  of  congrefs,  on  the  fourth  of  July,  one 
thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-fix. 

The  allegiance  of  thirteen  ftates  at  once  with- 
drawn by  a  folemn  declaration,  from  a  govern^ 
ment  towards  which  they  had  looked  with  the 
higheft  veneration  ;  whofe  authority  they  had 
acknowledged,  whofe  laws  they  had  obeyed, 
whole  protection  they  had  claimed  for  more 
than  a  century  and  a  half — was  a  confideration 
of  fojemnity,  a  bold  refolution,  an  experiment 

*  See  Appendix,  Note  No.  XVII. 

f  This  wife  and  patriotic  ftatefman  was  afterwards  ap- 
pointed ambaflador  to  the  court  of  France.  On  the  adop- 
tion of  the  prefent  conftitution  of  government,  he  was  ap- 
pointed fecretary  for  foreign  affairs,  was  chofen  vice-prefi- 
dent,  and  afterwards  preiident  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 


J  The  members  from  Maryland  feceded,  but  in  a  Ihort 
time  after  joined  the  confederation. 


31O  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.  of  hazard  :  efpecially  when  the  infancy  of  the 
1 ~7"  colonies  as  a  nation,  without  wealth,  refources, 
or  allies,  was  contrafted  with  the  ftrength, 
riches,  and  power  of  Great  Britain.  The  timid 
trembled  at  the  ideas  of  final  feparation  ;  the  dif- 
ciples  of  paflive  obedience  were  ihocked  by  a  re- 
flection of  a  breach  of  faith  to  their  ancient 
fovereign  ;  and  the  enemies  to  the  general  free- 
dom of  mankind,  were  incenfed  to  madnefs,  or 
involved  in  defpair.  But  thefe  claiTes  bore  a 
fmall  proportion  to  thofe  who  refented  the  re- 
jection of  their  petitions,  and  coolly  furveyed 
the  impending  dangers,  that  threatened  them- 
felves  and  their  children,  which  rendered  it 
clear  to  their  apprehenfion,  that  this  ftep  was 
neceffary  to  their  political  falvation.  They  con- 
iidered  themfelves  no  longer  bound  by  any 
moral  tie,  to  render  fealty  to  a  fovereign  thus 
difpofed  to  encroach  on  their  civil  freedom, 
which  they  could  now  fecure  only  by  a  focial 
compact  among  themfelves,  and  which  they  de- 
termined to  maintain,  or  perifh  in  the  attempt, 

By  the  declaration  of  independence,  dreaded 
by  the  foes,  and  for  a  time  doubtfully  viewed  by 
many  of  the  friends  of  America,  every  thing 
ftood  on  a  new  and  more  refpectable  footing, 
both  with  regard  to  the  operations  of  war,  or 
negociations  with  foreign  powers.  Americans 
could  now  no  more  be  conudered  as  rebel s^  in 
their  propofals  for  treaties  of  peace  and  concilia* 
t>ion  with  Britain  ;  they  were  a  diftincl  people, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  311 


who  claimed  the  rights,  the  ufages,  the  faith, 
and  the  refpecl  of  nations,  uncontrolled  by  any 
foreign  power.  The  colonies  thus  irretrievably 
loft  to  Great  Britain,  a  new  face  appeared  on  all 
affairs,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 

America  had  been  little  known  among  the 
kingdoms  of  Europe  ;  me  was  confidered  only 
as  an  appendage  to  the  power  of  Britain  :  the 
principles  of  her  fons  were  in  fome  refpecls  dif- 
iimilar,  and  their  manners  not  yet  wrought  up 
to  the  ftandard  of  refinement  reigning  in  an- 
cient courts  :  her  ftatefmen  in  general  were  un- 
acquainted with  the  intrigues  necefiary  for  ne- 
gociation,  and  the  finejje  ufually  hackneyed  in 
and  about  the  cabinets  of  princes.  She  now 
appeared  in  their  eyes,  a  new  theatre,  pregnant 
with  events  that  might  be  interefting  to  the 
civil  and  political  inftitutions  of  nations,  that 
had  never  before  paid  much  attention  to  the 
growth,  population,  and  importance  of  an  im- 
menfe  territory  beyond  the  Atlantic. 

The  United  States  had  their  ambafTadors  to 
create,  or  to  tranfplant  from  the  bar  or  the 
compting-houfe.  Their  generals  were  many  of 
them  the  yeomanry  or  the  tradefinen  of  the 
country  ;  their  fubordinate  officers  had  been  of 
equal  rank  and  fortune,  and  the  army  to  be  gov- 
erned was  compofed  of  many  of  the  old  aflb- 
ciates  of  the  principal  officers,  and  were  equally 
tenacious  of  perfonal  liberty.  The  regalia  of 


312  ttlE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.       power,  orders  of  nobility,  and  the  fplendor  of 
r  courts,  had  been  by  them  viewed  only  at  a  dif- 

"I  *7*7  ft 

tance.     The   difcipline  of  armies  was  entirely 
new ;  the  difficulty  of  connecting  many  diftincl 
ftates  to  aft  as  it  were  by  one  will,  the  expenfes 
of  government  in  new  exigencies,  and  the  wafte 
of  war  had  not  yet  been  accurately  calculated 
by  their  politicians  and  ftatefmen.     But  their 
fenators,  their  reprefentatives,  and  their  magif- 
trates,  were  generally  fagacious  and   vigilant* 
upright  and  firm  j  their  officers  were  brave, 
their  troops  in  fpirits,  and  with  a  full  confidence 
in  their  commander  in  chief :  hope  was  exhila- 
rated by  the  retreat  from  Bofton,  and  the  re* 
peated  fuccefles  of  their  arms  at  the  fouthward  ; 
while   new  dignity  was  added  to  office,  and 
flronger  motives  for  illuflrious  action,  by  the 
rank  America  had  now  taken  among  the  na- 
tions.    Thug,  by  the  declaration  of  independ- 
ence  they  had  new  ground  to  tread  ;  the  fcene 
of  action  was  changed,  genius  was  called  forth 
from  every  quarter  of  the  continent,  and  the 
public  expectation  enhanced  by  the  general  fa- 
vorable appearance  in  all  their  military  opera* 
tions. 

In  this  fituation  ftood  affairs,  both  in  the 
cabinet  and  the  field,  when  lord  Howe  arrived 
at  Staten  Ifland,  with  a  formidable  fquadron 
under  his  command,  on  the  twelfth  of  July, 
one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-fix. 
At  the  head  of  this  boftile  arrangement,  his 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  313 

lordfliip  came  in  full  confidence  of  fuccefs  :  yet  CHAP.  ix. 
amidft  the  fplendor  and  parade  of  war,  while         ~ — 
he  held  out  his  potent  arm,  he  ftill  cherimed 
the  delufory  hope  of  peace. 

By  a  pompous  declaration,  he  early  announ- 
ced his  pacific  powers  to  the  principal  rnagiftrates 
of  the  fever al  colonies,  and  promifed  pardon  to 
all  who,  in  the  late  times,  had  deviated  from 
their  allegiance,  on  condition,  that  they  would 
fpeedily  return  to  their  duty,  and  gave  encou- 
ragement that  they  mould,  on  compliance,  here- 
after reap  the  benefit  of  royal  favor.  Lord 
Howe  obferved  in  his  declaration,  "  that  the 
<c  commiflioners  were  authorized  in  his  majefty's 
"  name,  to  declare  any  province,  colony,  coun- 
"  ty,  diftrict,  or  town,  to  be  at  the  peace  of  his 
"  majefty :  and  that  due  coniideration  mould 
"  be  had  to  the  meritorious  fervices  of  any,  who 
"  mould  aid  or  aflift  in  reftoring  the  public 
"  tranquillity ;  that  their  dutiful  reprefenta^ 
"  tions  mould  be  received,  pardons  granted, 
"  and  fuitable  encouragement  to  fuch  as  would 
"  promote  the  meafures  of  legal  government 
"  and  peace,  in  purfuance  of  his  majefty 's  nioft 
"  gracious  purpofes."* 


*  This  declaration,  and  the  confequent  refolves  of  con- 
grefs,  may  be  feen  at  large  in  the  public  journals  of  the 
feffion  of  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-fix. 

VOL.  I.  '2....Q 


CHAP.  IX 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

Congrefs  ordered  the  declaration  to  be  im- 
mediately publilhed  in  all  the  American  ga- 
zettes, that  the  people  of  the  United  States 
might  be  fully  informed  of  the  terms  of  peace  ; 
that  they  might  fee  for  themfelves,  that  the 
bufmefs  of  the  commiffioners  was  to  amufe,  dif- 
unite,  and  deceive  them ;  and  that  thofe  who 
ilill  continued  in  fufpenfe,  from  hopes  founded 
either  on  the  juftice  or  moderation  of  the  court 
of  Great  Britain,  might  now  be  fully  convin- 
ced, that  their  own  valor,  virtue,  and  firmnefs, 
muft  refcue  and  preferve  the  freedom  of  their 
country.* 

The  next  advance  his  lordfhip  made  for  the 
execution  of  his  commiffion,  was  by  a  flag  fent 
on  more  within  a  few  days  after  his  arrival, 
with  a  letter  directed  to  George  Wafhington, 
Efq.  By,  their  principles  and  their  profeffions, 
the  Americans  were  taught  at  this  period,  to 
look  down  on  titles  and  diftinguilhed  ranks ; 
yet,  in  this  inftance,  they  did  not  think  proper 
to  pafs  over  the  implicit  denial  of  either,  to 
their  commander  in  chief.  It  was  viewed  as  a 
deligned  affront,  from  thofe  who  confider  fuch 

*  The  American  congrefs  were  not  remifs  at  this  time, 
in  exerting  their  efforts  to  detach  foreigners  from  the 
fervice  of  Britain,  and  alluring  them  to  become  inhabitants 
of  the  United  States,  by  promifing  them  a  quiet  refidence, 
an  allotment  of  lands,  and  a  fecurity  from  all  interruptions 
in  the  enjoyment  of  their  religious  opinions,  and  the  invef- 
titure  of  all  the  privileges  of  native  citizens. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  315 

adventitious  circumftances  of  fo  much  confe-  CHAP.IX. 
quence,  as  carefully  to  avoid  all  honorary  epi-  ~ 
thets  in  their  addreffes  to  the  firft  officers  of  the 
United  States.  It  was  thought  more  becoming 
the  dignity  of  his  ftation,  both  as  a  foldier  and 
a  patriot,  for  the  chief  commander  to  refufe  an 
addrefs  that  tacitly  denied  the  legality  of  his 
commiffion,  and  the  right  now  claimed  of  nego- 
ciating  on  terms  of  equality  :  this  letter  was 
therefore,  by  the  advice  of  the  principal  officers, 
returned  unopened. 

This  drew  out  a  fecond  advance  from  the 
hands  of  the  Britifh  commiffioners,  when  major 
Patterfon,  adjutant  general  of  the  army,  was 
charged  with  a  letter  directed  to  George  Warn- 
ington,  &c.  &c.  &c.  He  was  received  in  mili- 
tary ftate,  and  treated  with  great  politenefs  in 
the  American  camp.  His  lordfhip  in  this  fec- 
ond addrefs,  exprefled  the  higheft  refpecl  for 
the  private  character  of  general  Wafhington, 
but  as  he  did  not  yet  condefcend  to  acknowl- 
edge the  commander  in  chief  of  the  American 
troops,  as  any  thing  more  than  a  rebel  in  arms, 
this  letter  was  alfo  returned  without  breaking 
the  feal. 

Many  civilities  paffed  in  this  interview  with 
Mr.  Patterfon,  who  did  not  forget  to  infinuate 
his  own  wifhes  for  the  reftoration  of  friendmip 
and  harmony  between  the  two  countries.  He, 
with  due  propriety,  made  feveral  obfervations 


316  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.  on  the  extenfive  powers  veiled  in  the  commif- 
{loners  for  this  falutary  purpofe  :  this  introdu- 
ced Ibme  general  converfation  relative  to  the 
treatment  of  prifoners  on  both  fides.  The  con- 
ference was  of  foine  length,  but  as  no  circum- 
ilance  indicated  a  happy  refult  from  the  n'ego- 
ciation,  general  Washington  in  the  moil  explicit 
terms,  informed  the  Britim  adjutant  general, 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  American  States 
were  generally  of  opinion,  that  a  people  armed 
in  defence  of  their  rights,  were  in  the  way  of 
their  duty  ;  that  confcious  of  no  criminality, 
they  needed  no  pardon  ;  and  as  his  lordihip's 
commiffion  extended  no  farther,  nothing  im- 
portant could  be  expected  from  protracting  the 
negociation. 

In  the  mean  time,  reinforcements  were  daily 
dropping  in  to  the  affiftance  of  the  Britim  army. 
The  fcattered  divifions  of  Heffians^  Waldeckers, 
&c.  defigned  for  the  fummer  campaign,  had 
been  fomewhat  retarded  by  not  knowing  with 
certainty,  the  fpot  deftined  for  head-quarters. 
They  had  fome  of  them  failed  directly  for  Hali- 
fax :  this  occafioned  a  delay  of  any  energetic 
movement,  until  the  latter  part  of  the  month 
of  Auguft,  when  the  Britim  army  began  to  acl: 
with  vigor. 

General  Wafhington  had  rather  incautioufly 
encamped  the  bulk  of  his  army  on  Long  Hland,  a 
large  and  plentiful  diftricL  about  two  miles  from 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  317. 

the  city  of  New  York.  This  ifland  contained  CHAP.  «. 
many  fettlements,  through  an  extent  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty  miles  in  length.  It  was  in- 
habited principally  by  loyalifts,  and  perfpns  gen- 
erally  difafFeded  to  the  American  caufe.  Ma- 
ny were  at  a  lofs  for  a  reafon,  nor  indeed  could 
any  conjecture,  why  the  commander  of  the 
American  army  Ihould  hazard  his  troops  on  an 
ifland,  liable  at  any  moment  to  be  furrounded 
by  the  Britifh  navy.  However  it  was,  feveral 
thoufand  Americans  were  there  pofted,  under 
the  command  of  the  generals  Putnam,  Sullivan, 
and  William  Alexander,  lord  Stirling, 

Sir  William  Howe  very  wifely  judged,  that 
it  was  a  lefs  arduous  and  a  more  promifing  un- 
dertaking to  diflodge  the  Americans  from  their 
encampment  on  the  iiland,  than  a  direct  at- 
tempt to  reduce  New  York.     The  royal  army 
at  that  time  confided  of  about  thirty  thoufand 
men :  thefe  he  found  no  difficulty  in  landing 
from  Staten  Ifland,  and  in  detachments  pofted 
them  from  one  end  of  Long  Ifland  to  the  other, 
feparated  from  the  Americans  by  a  ridge  of  hills 
covered  with  woods.     Very  fortunately  for  the 
enterprife  of  the  Britifh,  one  of  the  American 
out-guards  early  fell  into  the  hands  of  general 
Clinton.     In   confequence  of  fome  intelligence 
gained  by  this  accident,  he,  before  day-light  on 
the   morning  of  the  twenty-feventh  of  Auguft, 
poflefled  himfelf  of  fome  very   advantageous 
heights,  and  made  fuch  a  judicious  arrangement 


318  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.       of  his  troops,  as   might   have  infured  fuccefs, 
~~~         even  had  the  Americans  been  better  prepared 

for  the  attack,  which   at   that   time  was  rather 

unexpected. 

The  affault  was  begun  by  the  Heffian  general 
de  Heifter.  He  opened  the  cannonade  in  front 
of  the  American  lines,  early  on  the  morning  of 
the  twenty-eighth.  A  general  engagement 
fpeedily  enfued.  Nearly  the  whole  of  the 
Britiih  forces  were  called  into  action,  under  the 
command  of  fir  Henry  Clinton,  earl  Percy,  and 
lord  Cornwallis.  By  fome  fatal  neglect,  a  very 
important  poft  was  left  unguarded  by  the  Amer- 
ican, which  was  feized  by  the  Britiih  troops, 
who  fought  on  this  occaiion  with  a  fpirit  and 
bravery  becoming  the  experienced  commander 
and  the  hardy  veteran.  The  American  troops 
were  early  deranged.  Apprized  of  their  dan- 
ger, they  with  great  refolution  endeavoured  to 
recover  their  camp  ;  but  nearly  furrounded  by 
the  Britilh,  and  puihed  in  the  centre  by  the 
Heffians,  they  were  fo  far  from  effecting  their 
deiign,  that  their  retreat  was  nearly  cut  off: 
yet  many  of  them  defperately  fought  their  way 
through  fome  of  the  Britilh  lines,  and  again 
bravely  ftood  on  their  defence  ;  others  entang- 
led in  the  woods  and  marines  through  whicfy 
they  endeavoured  to  efcape,  were  either  captur- 
ed, or  perifhed  in  the  attempt. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  319 


In  the  midft  of  the  general  anxiety  for  the 
danger  and  diftrefs  of  the  little  army  on  Long  . 
Ifland,  general  Wafhington,  undoubtedly  anx- 
ious to  retrieve  his  miitake  in  thus  expoiing 
them,  patted  over  from  New  York  to  endeav- 
our to  iecure  the  retreat  of  the  furviving  troops. 
This  was  executed  in  the  nigkt  of  the  twenty- 
ninth,  without  noife  or  tumult.  The  remain- 
der of  the  broken  regiments  that  had  outlived 
the  fatal  action,  abandoned  the  iiland  with  a  con- 
fiderable  part  of  their  baggage,  fome  artillery, 
and  military  ftores,  and  without  moleftation 
reached  the  city  of  New  York.  They  had 
made  a  bold  and  refolute  ftand,  againft  far  fu- 
perior  numbers  and  difciplinc  ;  and  it  may  be 
deemed  fortunate  that  any  of  them  efcaped,  as 
on  an  iiland  they  might  ealily  have  been  hem- 
med in  by  a  fmall  number  of  Britim  mips. 
Perhaps  the  commanders  on  both  fides  were  af- 
terwards feniible  of  their  error,  the  one  in  haz- 
arding his  troops  in  fuch  an  expofed  fituation, 
the  other  in  fuffering  a  iingle  American  to  ef- 
cape  either  captivity  or  death. 

The  lofs  of  men  in  this  action  was  not  incon- 
iiderable  on  either  fide,  but  it  fell  moft  heavily 
on  the  Americans.  Many  brave  men  perifhed 
by  the  fword,  others,  as  was  obferved,  were  loft 
in  the  moraffes  and  fwamps  to  which  they  had 
fled  on  the  defeat.  Three  general  officers,  and 
a  large  number  of  inferior  rank,  were  made 
prifoners.  A  regiment  of  valiant  young  men 


320  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.  from  Maryland,  many  of  them  of  family  and 
~  '  fortune,  commanded  by  the  gallant  colonel 
Smallwood,  were  almoft  to  a  man  cut  off.  The 
misfortune  of  the  day  was  feverely  felt  by  them, 
but  without  checking  the  ardor  of  the  American 
army,  the  people,  or  the  continental  congrefs. 
The  fame  uniform  dignity,  and  unruffled  fupe- 
riority  of  mind,  appeared  in  the  judicious  de- 
terminations of  the  united  delegates,  in  the  con- 
duct of  the  ftate  departments,  and  in  the  fubfe- 
quent  firmnefs  of  moft  of  the  military  officers, 
as  before  this  defeat.  But  the  fuccefs  of  their 
arms,  and  the  acquifition  of  Long  Ifland,  exhil- 
arated the  fpirits  of  the  Britifh,  and  gave  hopes 
of  more  compliant  difpoiitions,  and  a  more  rea- 
dy acquiefcence  in  the  requifitions  of  minifters, 
or  the  veto  of  kings  :  and  that  the  builnefs  of 
the  commiffioners  might  now  be  brought  for- 
ward without  farther  impediment. 

Not  many  days  after  the  retreat  from  Long 
Ifland,  congrefs  was  called  upon  to  exhibit  a 
new  proof  of  their  lirmnefs.  General  Sullivan, 
one  of  the  captured  officers,  was  difpatched  on  ' 
parole  with  a  meffage  to  that  affembly,  in  the 
joint  names  of  lord  and  general  Howe.  The 
purport  of  the  meffage  was,  that  they  had  full 
powers,  and  that  they  were  difpofed  to  treat  on 
terms  of  accommodation  and  peace.  At  the 
fame  time  they  intimated,  that  as  congrefs  was 
not  confidered  in  the  eye  of  majefty,  as  a  legal 
affembly,  they  only  defired  a  private  conference 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  321 

with  a  few  individuals  belonging  to  that  body,  C«AP.IX. 
in  the  charadter  and  capacity  of  private  gentle-  ~~~ 
men.  To  this  extraordinary  requeft,  which 
threw  them  into  a  very  delicate  fituation,  con- 
grefs  replied,  that  as  delegates  of  a  free  and  in- 
dependent people,  they  could  with  no  propriety 
fend  any  of  the  members  of  congrefs  in  a  pri- 
vate capacity,  on  an  errand  fo  replete  with 
public  confequences  ;  but  they  would  depute  a 
committee  from  their  body,  to  inquire  by  what 
authority  and  on  what  terms,  his  lordfhip  and 
brother  were  empowered  to  negociate. 

The  infidious  meiTage  received  had  no  ten- 
dency to  eradicate  the  previous  opinion  of  con- 
grefs, that  this  was  but  a  minifterial  pretext  to 
palliate  their  injurious  defigns.  They  were 
convinced,  that  the  commiffion  of  the  agents 
was  derogatory  to  the  great  national  councils, 
and  to  that  high  authority  which  had  vefted 
the  Britilh  commiffioners  with  no  powers,  but 
to  pardon  thofe  who  deemed  themfelves  guilt- 
lefs,  and  with  no  conciliatory  propofals  at  which 
freemen  would  not  fpurn,  unlefs  driven  to  def- 
pair.  Yet  they  condefcended  fo  far  to  this  po- 
litical trilling,  as  to  depute  a  very  refpeclable 
committee  to  meet  lord  Howe,  and  confer  on 
the  fubjecl.  The  celebrated  doctor  Franklin, 
the  honorable  Mr.  Rutledge  of  South  Carolina, 
and  John  Adams,  Efq.  of  the  MafTachufetts, 

VOL.  j.  2....R 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.       were  the  perfons  chofen  for  this  Singular  inter- 
1776. 

On  a  flipulated  day  they  met  his  lordmip  on 
Staten  Iflancl,  accompanied  only  by  Mr.  Strachey 
•his  fecretary.  He  received  them  with  much 
civility,  but  converfed  equivocally  ;  and  though 
careful  not  to  be  explicit,  it  did  not  require  the 
penetration  of  men  of  far  lefs  fuperior  abilities, 
to  difcover  that  he  was  reftricled  to  very  nar- 
row limits,  for  a  negociator  between  contend- 
ing  nations.  It  was  evident  that  he  had  no  plan 
of  accommodation,  or  any  propofals  for  amity, 
on  any  terms  but  thofe  of  abfolute  and  uncon- 
ditional fubmiilion.  Yet  thefe  gentlemen  pa- 
tiently attended  to  the  circumvolutions  of  his 
lordfhip,  who  obferved  neither  precifion  or 
perfpicuity  in  his  modes  of  converfing  ;  nor 
could  he  difguife  an  apparent  embarr  affluent, 
under  the  difplay  of  affability  and  good  humor. 
It  was  even  painful  to  fee  a  Britifli  nobleman, 
endowed  with  talents  for  the  moft  honorable 
employments,  thus  reduced  to  ad:  under  a  veil 
of  intrigue,  inconfiflent  with  the  character  of 
the  gentleman  or  the  man  of  bufinefs.* 

This  conference  continued  three  or  four 
hours,  when  a  fliort  and  frugal  repafl  conclu- 

*  T^he  above  detail  of  the  interview  on  Staten  liland, 
was  foon  after  verbally  related  to  the  author  of  thefe  an- 
nals>  by  one  of  the  committee  of  conference. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  323 

ded  a  negociation  that  had  fed  many  well- 
meaning  people  with  delufory  hopes,  and  for 
feveral  months  had  been  the  fubjecl  of  political 
fpeculation  both  in  Europe  and  America.  This 
fingular  interview  had  indeed  little  other  effect, 
than,  on  the  one  fide,  to  rivet  that  firong  dif- 
guft  which  before  exifted,  againft^  the  treacher- 
ous councils  of  the  Britiih  miniftry  and  parlia- 
ment, and  on  the  other,  to  convince  more  per- 
fectly the  agents  of  monarchy,  of  the  determi- 
ned fpirit  of  America,  and  the  ability  of  the 
men  with  whom  me  had  entrufted  the  fecurity 
of  her  rights.  However,  when  the  parties  took 
leave  of  each  other,  it  was  not  without  fome 
tender  emotions.  Dr.  Franklin  had  been  in 
long  habits  of  friendfhip  and  intimacy  with 
lord  Howe.  They  had  in  England  frequently 
converfed,  and  afterwards  correfponded,  on  the 
parliamentary  difpute  with  America.  Their 
regard  for  each  other  was  mutual,  and  as  there 
was  now  every  reafon  to  fuppofe,  this  would  be 
the  laft  perfonal  interview  between  them,  the 
idea  was  painful,  that  this  political  ftorm  might 
fweep  away  all  remains  of  private  friendfliip,* 

*  In  the  familiar  converfation  between  lord  Howe  and 
doclor  Franklin,  his  lordfhip  expreffed  a  regard  for  the* 
Americans,  and  the  pain  he  felt  for  their  approaching  fuf- 
ferings.  Doctor  Franklin,  in  his  eafy,  fententious  manner, 
thanked  him  for  his  regards,  and  allured  him,  that  "  the 
"  Americans  would  lliew  their  gratitude,  by  endeavouring 
*'  to  lefTen  as  much  as  poffible,  all  pain  he  might  feel  on 
"  their  account,  by  exerting  their  utrnoft  abilities  in  taking 
11  good  care  of  themfelves." 


324  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.  It  was  not  long  after  all  ideas  of  negociation 

were  relinquifhed,  before  the  commiffioners 
and  their  fovereign  had  the  moft  pofitive  proofs, 
that  though  the  villages  might  be  diftained 
with  the  crimfon  tide  that  threatened  to  deluge 
the  land,  yet  freedom  in  her  laft  afylum,  would 
refifl  the  defigns  of  all  who  had  fighed  for  her 
annihilation,  to  the  laft  moment  of  her  exift- 
ence. 

The  late  defeat  of  the  Americans,  and  the  en- 
tire pofleilion  of  Long  Ifland,  threw  accumula- 
ted advantages  into  the  hand  of  the  Britiih 
commander,  who  made  immediate  preparation 
to  attack,  and  take  pofleffion  of  the  city  of 
NewYork.  In  confequence  of  thefe  movements, 
general  Wamington,  advifed  by  the  moft  judi- 
cious of  his  officers,*  thought  it  prudent  to 
evacuate  the  city  without  further  delay.  It 
would  indeed  have  been  madnefs  to  have  at- 
tempted a  longer  defence  with  his  diminimed 
numbers,  againft  a  potent  army  fluihed  with  re- 
cent fuccefs.  The  American  army  was  drawn 
off  from  above  Kingfbridge,  on  the  twenty-firft 
of  October,  but  a  day  before  the  Britim  took 
poffeflion  of  the  city.  General  Wamington  en- 
camped his  retreating  troops  on  the  heights  of 
Haerlem,  about  nine  miles  diftance  from  Kingf- 

*  General  Lee  particularly,  who  had  juft  arrived  from 
Georgia.  He,  by  urging  this  advice,  may  be  laid  to  fliare 
ifi  the  merit  of  faving  the  American  army. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  325 


bridge.  When  general  Howe  took  poffeflion 
of  the  evacuated  poft,  he  muft  from  this  event  >, 
undoubtedly  have  felt  fome  confolation  for  the 
mortification  he  had  fuffered  on  recollecting 
the  circumftances  of  his  flight  from  Boflon. 
The  alternate  triumph  or  chagrin,  from  the 
uncertain  chances  and  events  of  war,  are  gene- 
rally of  fhort  duration  :  the  Americans,  now 
in  their  turn  experienced  the  pains  of  anxiety, 
difappointment,  and  want,  through  a  rapid 
flight  from  poft  to  poft,  before  a  victorious  ar- 
my, who  defpifed  their  weaknefs,  and  ridiculed 
their  want  of  difcipline. 

General  Howe  placed  a  ftrong  detachment 
in  the  garrifon  for  the  defence  of  the  city  of 
New  York,  and  immediately  marched  with  the 
main  body  of  his  army  in  purfuit  of  Warning- 
ton.  He  croifed  Eaft  River,  feized  a  point  of 
land  near  Weft  Chefter,  and  made  hirafelf  maf- 
ter  of  the  lower  road  to  Connecticut,  with  de- 
fign  to  impede  the  intercourfe  between  the 
northern  and  fouthern  ftates.  By  this  move- 
ment, he  alfo  hoped  to  impel  the  American 
commander,  at  every  hazard,  to  rifk  an  engage- 
ment that  might  probably  have  been  decifive. 
But  general  Washington  was  too  well  acquaint- 
ed with  human  nature,  to  fufFcr  his  troops, 
though  ardent  for  action,  and  impatient  of  de- 
lay, to  truft  to  the  impulfe  of  conftitutional  cou- 
rage, and  expofe  the  reputation  of  the  Ameri- 
can arms,  and  the  decifion  of  the  great  conteft, 


526  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS     OP 

CHAP.  ix.  to  the  uncertain  events  of  a  day,  under  the 
prefent  difadvantages  of  number  and  difcipline. 
A  fecond  defeat  in  fo  fhort  a  time,  would  un- 
doubtedly have  fpread  difmay,  and  perhaps  a 
defection  that  might  have  been  fatal  to  the  in- 
dependence of  America.*  He  was  feniible  his 
troops,  though  naturally  brave,  were  not  fuffi- 
ciently  inured  to  danger,  and  hardened  by  ex- 
perience, to  raife  the  mind  to  that  fublime  pitch 
of  enthuiiafm  and  inflexibility,  neceffary  to  ftand 
their  ground  againft  fuperior  ftrength,  difci- 
pline, and  numbers.  He  therefore  determined, 
by  cautious  and  guarded  marches,  to  keep  in 
flank  with  the  Britifli  army,  until  circumftances 
might  put  it  in  his  power  to  combat  on  more 
equal  terms. 

He  placed  a  ilrong  party  in  fort  Wafhington, 
a  fortrefs  near  Kingibridge,  which,  though  well 
provided,  was  at  the  time  judged  not  tenable 
by  fome  of  his  befl  officers.  This  opinion  was 
over-ruled,  and  between  three  and  four  thou- 
fand  men  were  left  there.  This  was  confidered 
by  many  a  fecond  fatal  miflake  of  the  renowned 


*  This  opinion  was  corroborated  by  the  behaviour  of 
the  Americans,  when  the  Britifh  landed  from  Kepp's  Bay, 
Sept.  15.  They  difcovered  a  timidity  that  nothing  can 
excufe,  but  their  recent  fufferings  on  Long  liland,  their  in- 
ferior numbers,  and  their  dread  of  the  fuperior  difcipline  of 
troops. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  327 

Walhington.*     With  the  remainder  of  the  ar-    CHAP.  i*. 
my  the  commander  in  chief  decamped,  and     ~ ~ 
moved  towards  the  high  grounds  on  the  upper 
road  to  Bofton.     The  poffeiHon  of  this  part  of 
the  country  was  an  important  object ;  of  con- 
fequence,  the  Americans  were  clofely  purfued 
by  general  Howe,  who  did  not  yet  relinquiih 
his  hopes  of  a  decifive  action. 

Frequent  Ikirmifhes  had  taken  place  on  the 
route,  without  material  advantages  on  either 
fide  ;  but  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  October,  the 
Britifh  overtook  the  American  army  near  the 
White  Plains,  thirty  miles  diftant  from  New 
York  city,  when  an  action  of  moment  enfued. 
The  attack  was  begun  by  the  Heilians,  the  for- 
lorn hope  of  the  Britifh  army.  They  were 
commanded  by  general  de  Heifter  and  colonel 
Rhal.  Equal  refolution  animated  both  parties, 
and  a  considerable  (laughter  among  the  troops 
on  both  lides  took  place.f  The  Americans  un- 
able to  bear  thefe  lofles,  fully  apprifed  of  the 
itrength  of  their  enemy,  and  that  reinforce- 
ments had  recently  arrived  under  lord  Percy, 
both  the  American  commander  and  the  army. 


*  General  Waftiington,  however,  was  undoubtedly  acf- 
vifed  to  this  Hep,  by  feveral  of  his  beft  officers. 


\  Among  the  flain  was  the  valiant  colonel  Smallwodd, 
whofe  regiment  was  nearly  cut  to  pieces  in  the  aftion  on 
Long  I  {land. 


328  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.       were  equally  willing  to  take  a  more  diftant  po- 
iition. 


1776. 


The  Britifli  army  had  gained  feveral  very  im- 
portant advantages,  among  which  was  the  com- 
mand of  the  river  Brunx,  which  was  paffed  by 
colonel  Rhal,  who  by  this  means  acquired  a  very 
important  poft,  which  enabled  him  effentially 
to  annoy  the  American  army. 

The  action  on  the  White  Plains  was  a  well- 
fought  battle  on  both  fides  ;  but  the  Americans 
had  neither  the  numbers,  the  experience,  nor 
the  equipments  for  war,  at  that  time,  which 
rendered  them  equally  able  to  cope  with  the 
ftrength,  the  numbers,  the  preparation,  and  the 
valor  of  the  Britifh  army,  under  officers  whofe 
trade  had  long  been  that  of  war.  And  though 
the  American  commander  made  his  efcape  with 
his  fmall  armament,  and  retreated  with  all  the 
prudence  and  firrnnefs  of  a  general  who  had 
been  longer  tried  in  the  field  of  action,  the 
Britifli  had  certainly  a  right  in  this  affair,  to 
boait  a  complete  victory.* 

After  the  engagement,  general  Wafhington 
found  it  neceffary  to  quit  the  field.  He  drew 

*  The  town  of  White- Plains  was  fet  on  fire  after  the  ac- 
tion, and  all  the  houfes  and  forage  near  the  lines  burnt. 
This  the  Britifh  writers  charge  to  the  account  of  the  Amer- 
ican commander.  »• 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  329 

back  in  the  night  to  his  entrenchments,  and  the    CHAP  ix. 
next  day  took  pofleilion  of  fome  higher  grounds, 
about  the  diftance  of  two  miles. 

General  Howe,  after  parading  a  few  days 
near  the  late  fcene  of  action,  and  indifcrimi- 
nately  plundering  the  neighbourhood,  ordered 
his  tents  to  be  ftruck,  and  a  movement  of  his 
whole  army  to  be  made  towards  New  York. 
As  his  troo,ps  had  long  been  kept  in  continual 
motion,  were  fatigued  and  haraffed  by  fudden 
alarms,  and  the  feafon  far  advanced,  it  was  ra- 
tionally concluded,  that  his  deiign  was  to  repair 
immediately  to  winter-quarters.  But  by  a 
ftroke  of  generalfhip,  little  expected  where  no 
remarkable  fuperiority  in  military  knowledge 
had  yet  been  difcovered,  affairs  took  a  moft  un- 
favorable turn  for  the  Americans,  and  reduced 
the  little,  refolute  continental  army  to  dangers 
and  diftreffes,  to  exertions  and  vigor,  fcarcely 
to  be  paralleled  in  hiftory. 

The  numbers  that  had  already  fallen  on  both 
fides,  by  the  rapid  movements  and  frequent 
(kirmifhes  for  the  fpace  of  three  or  four  months, 
cannot  be  afcertained  with  exactitude.  It  was 
computed  that  not  leis  than  five  thoufand, 
principally  Heffians,  either  periihed  or  deferted 
from  the  minifterial  army,  after  the  action  of 
Long  Ifland  to  the  middle  of  November,  when 
general  Howe  laid  the  eftimate  before  lord 

VOL.   I.  2....S 


330  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.       George  Germaine.*     The  Americans  undoubt* 

^ —    ecfly  fuffered  in  more  than  equal  proportion, 

and  from  many  caufes  were  much  lefs  able  to 
bear  the  reduction.  The  peculiar  mode  of 
raifing  troops  hitherto  adopted  by  the  United 
States,  had  a  tendency  to  retard  the  operations 
of  war,  and  in  fome  meafure  to  defeat  the  beft 
concerted  plans,  either  for  enterprife  or  de- 
fence. The  feveral  colonies  had  furnifhed  their 
quota  of  men  for  a  limited  term  only  ;  and  the 
country  unufed  to  ftanding  armies,  and  the  con- 
trol of  military  power,  impatient  at  the  fub- 
ordination  neceffary  in  a  camp,  and  actuated 
by  a  ftrong  fenfe  of  the  liberty  of  the  individual, 
each  one  had  ufually  returned  to  his  habitation 
at  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  fervice,  in  fpite 
of  every  danger  that  threatened  the  whole. 
This  had  occaiioned  frequent 'calls  on  the  militia 
of  the  country,  in  aid  of  the  army  thus  weak- 
ened, and  kept  in  continual  fluctuation  by  raw 
recruits,  raifed  and  fent  on  for  a  few  months 
at  a  time. 


In  addition  to  thefe  embarraffments,  animofi- 
ties  had  ibmetimes  arifen  between  the  fouthern 
and  eaftern  troops,  occaiioned  by  the  revival  of 
fome  old  local  prejudices.  The  ariftocratic  fpirit 


*  In  general  Howe's  letter  to  the  fecretary  for  American 
affairs,  he  acknowledged  he  had  loft  upwards  of  three  hun» 
dred  ftaff  and  other  officers,  and  between  four  and  five 
thoufand  privates. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  331 


that  had  been  formerly  charafteriftic  of  the 
ibuth,  frequently  appeared  in  airs  of  affumed 
fuperiority,  very  difgufting  to  the  feelings  of 
their  eaftern  brethren,  the  bold  and  hardy  New 
Englanders  ;  the  full-blooded  Yankees,  as  they 
ibmetimes  boafted  themfelves  ;  who,  having 
few  Haves  at  their  command,  had  always  been 
ufed  to  more  equality  of  condition,  both  in 
rank,  fortune,  and  education.  Thefe  trivial 
caufes  fometimes  raifed  animolities  to  fuch  a 
height,  that  in  the  prefent  circumftances  of  the 
army,  the  authority  of  the  commander  in  chief 
was  fcarcely  fufEcient  to  reftrain  them. 

General  Wafhington  was  alfo  obliged  often 
in  his  retreat  through  the  Jeriies,  to  prefs  for 
provifions,  forage,  and  clothing,  in  a  manner 
new  to  the  inhabitants  of  America  j  who,  as 
their  misfortunes  feemed  to  thicken,  grew 
more  remifs  for  a  time,  in  voluntary  aids  to  the 
army.  Their  grain  was  feized  and  threihed 
out  for  the  ufe  of  the  troops,  their  blankets, 
proviiions,  &c.  forcibly  taken  from  their  houfes, 
with  a  promife  of  payment  in  paper  bills,  when 
the  exigencies  of  the  country  fhould  permit  : 
but  it  always  appeared  to  the  people  the  act  of 
fome  fubordinate  officers,  rather  than  the  or- 
der of  the  commander  in  chief.  Thus  was  his 
popularity  kept  up  ;  and  thus  were  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  Jerfies  plundered  by  each  party  ; 
while  many  of  them  difaffecled  to  both,  were 
uncertain  on  which  fide  to  declare. 


332  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.  General  Howe,  well  acquainted  with   thefe 

embarrafling   circumftances,  and  apprized  that 

Congrefs  were  taking  meafures  to  remedy  the 
evils  in  future,  wifely  judged,  that  as  he  could 
not  force  Washington  to  a  general  engagement, 
it  would  be  more  advantageous  for  the  prefent, 
to  fufpend  his  purfuit,  and  diflodge  the  Ameri- 
cans from  their  ftrong  holds  in  the  environs  of 
New  York.  He  was  too  fenfible  from  the 
caufes  above  related,  that  the  continental  army 
would  diminifh  of  itfelf,  as  foon  as  the  term  of 
their  enliftment  expired.  From  thefe  confider- 
ations,  he  drew  back  his  armyy  with  the  deter- 
mination to  inveft  fort  Wafhington  immedi- 
ately.* This  fortrefs  on  the  one  fide  of  the 
North  River,  and  fort  Lee  on  the  oppoiite 
more,  commanded  the  whole  navigation  of  the 
river,  at  the  fame  time  that  it  impeded  the  com- 
munication with  New  York  by  land. 

General  Wafhington  could  not  rationally  fup- 
pofe,  that  a  pofl  of  fo  much  importance  would 
remain  long  unmolefted,  or  that  the  garrifon 
could  be  defended  againfl  the  whole  force  of  the 
Britilh  army.  General  Lee  afterwards  boafted 
in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  that  he  had  advifed  the 
evacuation  of  both  fort  Wafhington  and  fort 
Lee,  previous  to  the  main  body  of  the  Ameri- 
can army  leaving  the  neighbourhood  of  New 


*  Near  Kingfbridge,  fifteen  miles  from  the  city  of  New 
York. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  333 


York.  However  this  might  have  been,  it  was 
indeed  a  great  miftake  that  it  was  not  done  ; 
general  Wafliington  might  then  have  had  the 
afliftance  of  the  brave  men  who  fell  there.* 

General  Knyphaufen  with  fix  battalions,  fud- 
denly  croffed  the  country  from  Rochelle  to 
Kinglbridge,  where,  joined  by  the  light  infantry 
and  grenadiers,  the  one  commanded  by  lord 
Cornwallis,  the  other  by  earl  Percy,  the  fort- 
was  on  all  fides  attacked  with  vigor,  and  de- 
fended with  bravery.  On  the  fixteenth  of 
November,  colonel  Magaw  the  commanding  of- 
ficer, was  fummoned  to  furrender  without  far- 
ther delay.  He  requefted  that  he  might  be  al- 


*  An  officer  of  the  army  wrote  to  general  Lee  after  the 
furrender  of  fort  Waihington,  and  expreffed  himfelf  thus  : 
"  We  have  all  additional  reafons  for  moft  earneftly  vvilhing 
"  to  have  you  where  the  principal  fcene  of  action  is  laid. 
«  I  have  no  doubt  had  you  been  here,  the  garrifon  of 
"  Mount  Wuihington  would  now  have  compofed  a  part  of 
"  this  army  ;  every  gentleman  of  the  family,  the  officers 
"  and  foldiers  generally,  have  a  confidence  in  you  ;  the  en- 
"  emy  constantly  inquire  where  you  are,  and  feem  to  me 
"  to  be  lefs  confident  when  you  are  prelent.  We  are  in- 
"  formed  by  an  officer  lately  liberated,  that  the  enemy  have 
«  a  fouthern  expedition  in  view  ;  that  they  hold  us  very 
"  cheap  in  confequence  of  the  late  affair  at  Mount  Wafli- 
"  ington,  where  both  the  plan  of  defence  and  execution 
**  were  contemptible  :  if  a  real  defence  of  the  lines  was  in- 
"  tended,  the  number  was  too  few  ;  if  the  fort  only,  the 
«'  g:uriibp.  w.is  too  numerous  by  half." 

/„»..',  '  /?  f.'J  t~  •-•r.-rat  Lse. 


334'  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

x.  lowed  to  confider  till  nine  o'clock  the  next 
morning,  before  lie  gave  a  decifive  anfwer.  It 
was  replied,  that  two  hours  only  were  granted*. 
At  the  expiration  of  this  fhort  parley ^  the  adju- 
tant general  of  the  Britifh  army,  who  wait- 
ed the  reply,  was  informed,  that  the  fort  would 
be  defended  to  the  laft  moment.  Accordingly 
a  refiflance  was  made  with  aftoniming  valor 
for  feveral  hours  ;  but  to  prevent  the  farther  ef- 
fulion  of  blood,  the  Americans  yielded  to  necef- 
iity,  and  furrendered  themfelves  prifoners  of 
war,  at  the  moment  when  the  Heilian  and  Brit- 
ifh troops  were  on  the  point  of  ftorming  the 
garrifon. 

Near  three  thoufand  continental  troops  were 
loft  by  this  difafter.  Theie  unhappy  victims  of 
war,  notwithftanding  the  inclemency  of  the 
feafon,  were  ftripped  of  their  apparel  and 
thrown  naked  into  the  jails  of  New  York ; 
where,  after  fuffering  the  extremes  of  mifery 
from  cold,  hunger,  and  ficknefs,  rrioft  of  them 
periflied.  The  remnant  who  efcaped  immedi- 
ate death,  were  after  fome  months  imprifon- 
ment,  fent  on  parole  to  vifit  their  friends,  many 
of  them  infected  with  the  fmall-pox,  and  all  of 
them  in  fuch  a  languiming,  emaciated  condi- 
tion, as  proved  a  ufeful  leflbn  to  their  country- 
men ;  who,  by  this  inftance  of  feverity  towards 
the  brave  and  unfortunate,  were  univerfally 
convinced,  that  death  in  the  field  of  battle,  was 
much  to  be  preferred  to  the  cruelties  they  had 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  335 


reafon  to  expect,  if  they  fell  into  Britifli  hands, 
though  a  nation  once  famed  for  the  virtues  of        ~ 
juftice,  generoiity,  and  clemency. 

After  the  furrender  of  fort  Wafhington,  no 
time  was  loft  ;  the  advantages  gained  by  the 
Britiih  troops  were  pulhed  with  fpirit.  With 
the  utmoil  eafe  they  took  pofleilion  of  fort  Lee  : 
the  American  garriibn  fled  on  the  firft  apprehen- 
fion  of  an  attack,  without  offering  the  fmalleft 
refiftance.  General  Howe  embraced  thefe  fa- 
vorable circumftances  to  profecute  his  deiigns, 
ftimulated  by  the  hope  of  reaching  and  furpri- 
fing  Philadelphia,  before  the  American  army 
could  be  reinforced.  Thus,  near  the  clofe  of 
the  campaign,  when  the  continental  troops 
were  daily  dropping  off,  and  a  fevere  winter 
fetting  in,  he  had  every  reafon  to  cherifh  his 
moft  fanguine  hopes.  He  for  fome  time  pufh- 
ed  his  purpofes  with  vigor  and  alacrity,  and 
obliged  general  Wamington  with  an  handful  of 
men,  to  retreat  from  town  to  town,  until  hunt- 
ed through  the  ftate  of  New  Jerfey,  and  even 
over  the  Delaware,  which  he  had  time  to  crofs 
only  fix  hours  before  the  whole  body  of  the 
Britifli  army,  confifting  of  ten  or  twelve  thou- 
fand  men,  were  on  the  oppofite  banks. 

The  reafons  why  general  Howe  did  not  fooner 
overtake  the  diftreffed  fugitives,  or  why  he  can- 
toned his  troops,  without  crofling  the  river  and     » 
taking  ppfleffion  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  re- 


336  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.  main  yet  to  be  inveftigated.  The  retreat  was  con- 
~T~  ducted  with  ability,  but  the  remnant  that  ef- 
caped  was  too  fmall  to  intimidate  the  enemy,  or 
to  encourage  the  friends  of  the  American  caufe. 
A  great  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  city, 
either  from  fear,  affection,  or  intereft,  were  at 
that  time  difpofed  to  receive  with  open  arms 
the  T3ritifh  commander  ;  and  the  confirmation 
of  all  parties  operated  in  favor  of  erecting  the 
king's  ftandard  in  the  capital  of  America. 

Congrefs,  by  advice  of  fome  military  charac- 
ters, precipitately  removed  to  Baltimore,  in  the 
ftate  of  Maryland.  The  public  concern  was  al- 
fo  heightened  at  this  critical  period,  by  the  re- 
cent capture  of  general  Lee.  He  had  been  col- 
lecting a  number  of  militia  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Morriftown,  with  a  defign  to  fall  on  the  rear 
of  the  Britilh  army,  while  in  chafe  of  Wafhing- 
ton  through  the  Jerfies.  It  is  not  known  why 
he  was  thus  unguarded,  but  he  incautioufly 
lodged  at  the  little  village  of  Baikenridge,  four 
miles  from  the  troops  he  had  collected,  and 
about  twenty  from  the  Britilh  army.  Here  he 
was  betrayed,  furprifed,  and  taken  prifoner. 
Colonel  Harcourt  of  the  light  horfe,  conducted 
the  enterprife  with  fo  much  addreis,  that  with 
a  very  fmall  party,  he  without  noife  paffed  all 
the  American  guards  on  his  way,  furrounded 
the  houfe,  and  took  poffeilion  of  his  prifoner 
without  the  fmalleft  refiftance.  In  the  hurry 
of  the  bufinefs,  Lee  was  not  fuffered  to  take 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  337 

either  hat  or  cloak,  and  thus   in  a  ruffian-like    CHAP.  «. 

manner,  was  he  conducted  to  the  Britilh  head- 

1776. 
quarters. 

A  peculiar  triumph  was  enjoyed  by  his  ene- 
mies in  the  capture  of  this  {ingle  officer.  They 
confidered  his  fervices  at  that  period,  of  the 
greateft  confequence  to  the  American  army  : 
in  addition  to  this,  he  was  viewed  as  a  rebel  to 
the  fovereign  of  Britain  in  a  double  fenfe,  both 
as  a  deferter  from  the  king's  fervice,  in  which 
he  had  long  held  an  honorable  rank,  and  as  an 
abettor  of  the  American  defection,  and  one  of 
the  firft  officers  in  their  army  :  he  was  of  courfe 
confined  in  the  ftricleft  manner,  and  threatened 
with  military  execution  as  a  traitor  to  the  king. 
The  Americans  at  that  time  had  no  Britiih  pri- 
foners  of  equal  rank,  yet  they  made  the  moft 
ftrenuous  efforts  for  his  releafe.  A  colonel 
Campbell  with  five  Heffian  field-officer s,werefoon 
after  offered  for  the  exchange  of  general  Lee  : 
when  this  was  refufed,  general  Wafhington  ad- 
vertifed  fir  William  Howe,  that  their  blood 
muft  atone  for  his  life,  if  Lee  fell  a  facrifice  to 
the  refentment  of  his  enemies. 

Humanity  recoils  at  the  fufferings  of  individ- 
uals, who  by  the  laws  of  retaliation,  are  deem- 
ed the  legal  victims  of  policy  ;  but  though  the 
mind  of  the  gentle  may  be  wounded  by  the  ne- 
ceffity,  habit,  in  time,  too  often  learns  it  to  ac- 

VOL.   I.  2....T 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.       quiefce  in  the  cruel  policy  of  nations.     Public 
••  emergencies  may  require  the   hand  of  feverity 

to  fall  heavily  on  thofe  who  are  not  perfonally 
guilty,  but  companion  prompts,  and  ever  urges 
to  milder  methods.  However,  general  Lee 
was  not  executed,  nor  fuddenly  releafed.  Col- 
onel Campbell  was  clofely  imprifoned,  and  treat- 
ed with  much  feverity,  and  a  confiderable  time 
elapfed  before  either  of  them  were  relieved,  ex- 
cept by  fome  mitigation  in  the  manner  of  colonel 
Campbell's  confinement,  which  was  carried  to 
an  extreme  not  warranted  even  to  a  notorious 
felon.* 

Perhaps  at  no  period  of  the  great  ilruggle 
for  independence,  were  the  affairs  of  the  United 
States  at  fo  low  an  ebb  as  at  the  prefent.  The 
footfteps  of  the  Britifh  army  in  their  route 
through  the  Jeriies,  were  every  where  marked 
with  the  moil  wanton  inftances  of  rapine  and 
bloodfhed  :  even  the  facred  repertories  of  the 
dead  were  not  unmolefted  by  the  facrilegious 
hands  of  the  foldiery  ;f  while  the  licentioufnefs 


*  General  Lee  was  alfo  treated  very  feverely  until  the 
defeat  of  Burgoyne.  After  this  he  was  permitted  to  re- 
pair to  New  York  on  parole,  and  foon  after  liberated  by 
an  exchange  of  prifoners. 

f  This  ufage  of  the  dead  is  authenticated  by  the  ac- 
counts of  feveral  gentlemen  of  refpectability  near  the 
fcene  of  a<5tion. 


1776. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION,  330 

of  their  officers  fpread  rape,  mifery,  and  def- 
pair,  indifcriminately  through  every  village. 

Thus,  while  human  nature  was  difgraced, 
and  the  feelings  of  benevolence  mocked,  by  the 
perpetration  of  every  crime  ;  when  the  army 
fpared  neither  age  or  fex,  youth,  beauty,  or  in- 
nocence ;  it  is  obfervable,  that  the  diftrelfes  of 
war  had  fallen  principally  on  that  ftate,  which 
at  that  time  contained  a  greater  proportion  of 
perfons  attached  to  the  royal  caufe,  than  could 
have  been  found  in  any  other  part  of  America. 
But  fo  intermixed  and  blended  were  perfons, 
families,  and  parties  of  different  political  opin- 
ions, that  it  was  not  eafy  to  diftinguifh,  in  the 
wanton  riot  of  victory,  their  friends  from  their 
foes,  or  the  royalifts  from  the  whigs,  even  had 
the  royal  army  been  difpofed  to  difcriminate. 
It  was  indeed  impoffible  for  their  foreign  auxili- 
aries to  make  any  diftinclion  among  Americans, 
though  fome  Britim  officers  would  gladly  have 
checked  the  infolence  of  triumph,  unbalanced 
by  any  principle  of  religion,  honor,  or  human- 
ity. A  neglect  of  Uriel:  difcipline  prevented 
the  melioration  of  crime  and  mifery,  and  filled 
up  the  meafure  of  cenfure  which  afterwards  fell 
on  the  commander  in  chief  of  the  Britim  forces, 
even  from  thofe  who  wifhed  to  give  his  mili- 
tary operations  the  moft  brilliant  caft.* 

*  See  ftr  William  Howe's  defence  of  his  condud  in  his 
Ictccrs  to  adrniniftration,  published  in  London. 


34O  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 


Had  general  Howe  perfevered  in  his  purfuit, 
and  have  croiled  the  Delaware,  he  would  inev- 
itably have  deftroyed  even  the  veftige  of  an 
American  army.  The  remnant  of  the  old 
troops  drawn  into  Philadelphia,  was  too  fmall 
for  refiftance,  the  citizens  were  divided  and  in- 
timidated, congrefs  had  retreated  to  Baltimore^ 
the  country  was  difpirited,  and  Wamington  him- 
felf,  ready  to  defpair,  had  actually  confulted 
fome  of  his  officers,  on  the  expediency  of  flying 
to  the  back  parts  of  Pennfylvania,  or  even  be- 
yond the  Allegany  mountains,  to  efcape  the 
ufual  fate  of  uniuccefsful  rebels,  or  as  himfelf 
exprefled  it,  "  to  fave  his  neck  from  a  halter."* 

Thus,  without  an  army,  without  allies,  and 
without  refources,  the  gloom  of  difappoint- 
ment  overfpread  not  only  the  brow  of  the  com- 
mander in  chief,  but  expanded  wide,  and  ruin 
from  every  quarter  lowered  on  the  face  of 
American  freedom.  Newport  and  the  adja- 


*  This  was  confidentially  faid  to  an  officer,  who  report- 
ed, that  the  general  put  his  hand  to  his  neck,  and  obferved, 
that  it  did  not  feel  as  if  made  for  a  halter.  See  Stedmaifs 
Hi/lory.  It  is  probable  if  ever  general  Wafhington  re- 

ally exprefled  himfelf  in  this  manner,  it  was  uttered  more 
from  the  momentary  ebullition  of  diftrefs,  than  from  the 
/erious  contemplation  of  defpair.  It  difcovered  more  a  de- 
termination to  live  free,  than  any  timidity  from  fudden  dif- 
may.  Had  general  Howe  overtaken  the  American 
troops,  and  have  fecured  their  commander,  he  would 
doubtlefs  have  been  made  a  victim  of  fevere  vengeance, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  341 


cent  iilands  were  taken  poiTeflion  of  by  a  part 
of  the  Britifh  army  and  navy,  under  the  com- 
mand  of  commodore  fir  Peter  Parker  and  fir 
Henry  Clinton.  The  whole  colony  of  Rhode 
liland  was  not  able  to  make  the  fmalleft  refift- 
ance  to  the  feizure  of  their  capital  :  and  to 
complete  the  climax  of  danger  which  this  mel- 
ancholy winter  exhibited,  the  irruptions  of  the 
natives  in  various  parts,  was  not  the  leaft. 
Many  tribes  of  thofe  aborigines,  ftimulated  by 
their  native  fiercenefs,  wrought  up  ftill  higher 
by  Britifh  influence,  and  headed  by  fome 
American.  defperadoes  in  the^fervice  of  Britain, 
were  making  the  moft  horrid  depredations  on 
the  back  fettlements  of  fome  of  the  fouthern 
ftates  :  nor  did  the  affairs  of  America  at  the 
northward  \vear  a  more  favorable  afpect 

General  Carleton  had  conducted  the  cam* 
paign  of  this  year,  with  the  ability  of  the  flatef- 
man,  and  the  courage  of  the  foldier  ;  and 
notwithftanding  the  feverity  of  his  general 
character,  he,  with  a  degree  of  humanity  hon- 
orable to  himfelf,  and  exemplary  to  his  military 
affociates,  had  been  difpofed  to  commiierate  the 
unfortunate.  It  has  been  obferved,  that  all 
who  fell  into  his  hands  after  the  death  of  gene- 
ral Montgomery,  were  treated  with  lenity  and 
tenderneis.  He  \vas  cloubtlefs  feniible,  that  a 
\var  enkindled  more  to  fathte  a  ipirit  of  refentr 


CHAP 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

rnent  and  pride,  than  to  eftablifh  the  principles 
of  juftice,  required  every  palliative  to  mitigate 
1776.  tjie  odium  of  the  difgraceful  delign  of  fubduing 
America  by  the  aid  of  favages,  who  had  hutted 
for  ages  in  the  wildernefs  beyond  the  diftant 
lakes.  General  Carleton  with  the  moft  extra- 
ordinary vigilance  and  vigor,  had  conducted 
the  purfuit  of  the  Americans,  until  Arnold  and 
his  party  were  chafed  out  of  the  province  of 
Quebec  :  nor  did  he  ever  lofe  light  of  his  ob- 
ject, which  was  to  make  himfelf  mailer  of  the 
Hudfon,  and  form  a  junction  at  Albany  with 
general  Howe,  whole  troops  in  detached  par- 
ties were  wafting  the  middle  colonies,  and  co- 
operating in  the  fame  delign. 

By  uncommon  exertions,  Carleton  obtained 
a  fleet  in  the  wildernefs,  of  fuch  ftrength  and 
fuperiority,  as  to  deftroy  the  little  American 
fquadron  on  the  Lake  Champlain,  one  of  the 
fmaller  navigable  bafons  in  the  woods  of  that 
aftonifhing.  country.  The  lakes  of  America 
are  among  the  wonders  of  the  world.  They 
are  numerous  and  extenfive,  deep,  and  navigable 
at  many  hundred  miles  diftance  from  the  ocean. 
A  view  of  this  part  of  creation  is  fublime  and  af- 
toniihing. There  are  five  of  thofe  lakes  of  prin- 
cipal magnitude.  The  fmalleft  of  them,  Lake 
Ontario,  is  more  than  two  hundred,  and  the 
largeft,  Lake  Superior,  is  five  hundred  leagues 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  343 


in  circumference.*     Happy  might  it  have  been 
for  the  Atlantic  ftates,  had  they  been  content-        ^ 
ed  within  thefe  boundaries  of  nature,  and  not 
at  an  after  period,  have  wafted  the  blood  of 
their  citizens  in  attempting  to  wreft  from  the 
natives  a  vaft  extent  of  territory,  which  it  is 
very  improbable  they  will  be  long  able  to  gov- 
ern, unlefs  a  remarkable  coincidence  of  events 
fhould  give  them  a  commanding  influence,  fu- 
perior  to  any  European  power. 

The  bravery  of  Arnold  was  on  his  retreat, 
equally  confpicuous  with  the  outfet  of  his  ex- 
traordinary undertaking  :  but  notwithstanding 
his  vigilance,  and  the  valor  of  his  foldiers,  they 
were  reduced  to  the  utmoft  diftrefs  before  he 
blew  up  tnfe  remainder  of  his  fleet,  which 
Carleton  had  not*  captured,  .and  run  his  laft 
ihip  on  fliore,  without  acknowledging  fhe  fupe- 
riority  of  the  Britilh  flag,  by  the  fervile  iignal 
of  ftrildng  his  colors.  Obliged  to  relinquifh 
every  poft  of  advantage,  Arnold  and  the  rem- 
nant of  his  troops,were  driven  naked,  defencelefs, 
and  defpondent,  from  foreft  to  foreft,  and  from 
lake  to  lake,  until  they  reached  Ticonderoga. 
The  garrifon  there  had  been  reinforced  by  fome 

*  The  principal  of  thefe  inland  feas  are,  Laks  Superi- 
or, Huron,  Michigan,  Eric,  and  Ontario.  The  de- 
fcription  of  thefe  and  the  fmaller  Iheets  of  water  fpread 
over  the  vaft  weftern  territory,  may  be  found  in  every  ge- 
ographical work% 


THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    O# 

CHAP.  ix.  F  militia  from  the  eaftern  flates,  but  they  were 
in  no  condition  to  meet  general  Carleton,  whofe 
advancement  they  had  every  reafon  to  expect, 
with  fuperior  numbers,  and  the  double  advan- 
tage of  difcipline  and  fuccefs,  and  his  exertions 
aided  by  tribes  of  copper-colored  favages. 


General  Thomas  had  Been  fent  from 
bridge  in  the  fpring,  one  thoufand  feven  hun- 
dred and  feventy-iix,  with  a  detachment  of  the 
continental  army,  to  endeavour  in  conjunction 
with  the  eaftern  militia,  to  retrieve  the  wretch- 
ed ftate  of  affairs  in  Canada.  He  was  a  man  of 
cool  judgment,  poiTefled  of  courage  the  refult 
of  principle,  rather  than  bravery  the  impulfe  of 
paffion.  He  was  refpeclied  by  the  citizens,  be- 
loved by  the  foldiers,  and  well  qualified  by  the 
firmnefs  of  his  mind,  and  the  ftrength  of  his 
conftitution,  to  face  the  dangers  of  a  campaign 
in  the  wildernefs.  But  unfortunately  for  him, 
he  was  deputed  to  the  northern  command  to 
oppofe  the  conjoined  forces  of  the  native  barba- 
rians and  their  Britifh  allies,  at  a  time  when 
the  remains  of  the  American  army  were  dif- 
mayed  by  defeat,  worn  out  by  fatigue,  and  in 
addition  to  their  diflrefTes,  a  peftilential  difor- 
der,  then  fatal  to  New  Englanders,  had  fpread 
through  the  camp.  The  finall-pox,  by  the  ill 
policy  of  the  country,  had  been  fo  long  kept 
from  their  doors,  that  there  was  fcarce  a  man 
among  them,  who  was  not  more  afraid  of  an 
attack  from  this  kind  of  peftilence,  than  the 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

Fury  of  the  fword  :  but  no  caution  could  pre-    CHAP 
vent  the  rapidity  of  the  contagion  ;    it  per- 
vaded   the   whole  army  ;    and  proved  fatal  to 
moft  of  the  new  raifed  troops. 

The  character  of  the  military  officer  who 
dies  in  his  bed,  however  meritorious,  is  feldom 
crowned  by  the  eclat  of  fame,  which  follows- 
the  hero  who  perifhes  in  the  field.  Thus  this 
good  man,  qualified  to  reap  the  faireft  laurels 
in  a  day  of  battle,  was  immediately  on  his  arri- 
val at  the  fcene  of  aclion,  cut  down  by  the 
hand  of  iicknefs,  and  his  memory  almoft  ex- 
tinguifhed  by  a  fucceffion  of  new  characters 
and  events  that  crowded  for  attention.  By  the 
death  of  general  Thomas,  and  the  reduced  ftate 
of  the  Americans,  they  were  far  from  being  in 
any  preparation  for  the  reception  of  general 
Carleton,  whofe  arrival  they  momently  expect- 
ed. They  had  nothing  to  hope — an  immedi- 
ate furrender  to  mercy  was  their  only  refource. 
On  this  they  had  determined  ;  when  to  their 
furprife  and  joy  they  were  informed,  that  all 
further  purfuit  was  relinquifhed,  and  that  the 
Canadians  and  Britiih  troops  had  precipitately 
retreated. 

Thus  the  remnant  of  the  broken  continental 
army  was  left  at  full  liberty  to  efcape  in  the 
beft  manner  they  could  from  other  impending 
dangers.  From  the  nature  of  the  grounds, 

VOL.  I.  2....V 


346  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  is.  and  from  the  neighbourhood  of  the  favages^ 
from  their  weak>  fickly,  and  reduced  ftate, 
their  retreat  was  extremely  difficult ;  but  in 
fcattered  parties  they  reached  Crown  Point  in 
a  very  feeble  condition.  After  this  feries  of 
fuccefslefs  efforts,  all  farther  thoughts  of  the  re- 
duction and  conqueft  of  Canada,  were  for  the 
prefent  laid  afide.  General  Carleton  had  re- 
paired to  Quebec.  General  Phillips  with  a  con- 
fiderable  force  made  winter-quarters  at  Mon- 
treal ;  and  general  Burgoyne  took  paflage  for 
England.  Both  thefe  officers  had  been  very 
active  in  aid  of  Carleton,  through  the  campaign 
of  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-fix. 

The  defeat  of  the  Americans  in  Canada,  and 
the  advantages  gained  by  the  Britilh  arms  in 
the  Jerfies,  and  indeed  for  fome  months  in  ev- 
ery other  quarter,  gave  to  the  royal  caufe  an  air 
of  triumph.      The  brilliant  hopes  formed  from 
thefe  circumftances,  by  the  calculators  of  events 
for  the  enfuing  fpring,  led  the  miniftry  and  the 
army,  the  nation  and  their  fovereign,  to  flatter 
themfelves  that  the  completion  of  the  war  was 
at  no  great  diftance  ;  and  that  only  one  more 
campaign  would  be  neceflary  for  the  entire  fub- 
jugation  of  America.     The  viciffitudes  of  for- 
tune, that  hourly  cloud  or  brighten  all  human 
affairs,  foon  convinced  them  that  this  was  but 
the  triumph  of  a  day.     The  new  year  opened 
in  a  reverlive  view.     A  fpirited  movement  of 
general   Wafhington  at   this  important  crifis, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  347 

had  a  moil  happy  effect  :  a  {ingle  incident  gave    CHAP.  ix. 

a  different  face  to  the  affairs  of  the  colonies,  in 

.17/6. 

a  ihorter  time  than  could  have  been  imagined, 
after  the  ruinous  appearance  of  every  thing  at 
the  clofe  of  the  campaign. 

On  the  evening  of  the  twenty-fifth  of  De- 
cember, general  Wafhington  in  a  moil  fevere 
feafon,  croiTed  the  Delaware  with  a  part  of  his 
army,  then  reduced  to  lefs  than  two  thoufand 
men  in  the  whole.  They  very  unexpectedly 
landed  near  Trenton.  Colonel  Rhal,  an  officer 
of  decided  bravery,  commanded  a  detachment 
of  twelve  hundred  Heffians  ilationed  there, 
where  they  lay  in  perfect  fecurity.  It  was  near 
morning  before  they  were  alarmed  :  the  fur- 
prife  was  complete  ;  the  reiiilance  fmall :  Rhal 
was  mortally  wounded,  and  his  whole  corps 
furrendered  prifoners  of  war.  After  the  fa^ 
tigue,  the  hazards,  and  the  fuccefs  of  the  night, 
general  Waihington  with  his  party  and  his 
prifoners,  confuting  of  the  three  regiments  of 
Rhal,  Lofbourg,  and  Knyphaufen,  recroffed  the 
river  before  eight  in  the  morning,  with  little 
or  no  Jofs. 

This  adventure  gave  an  ailonifliing  fpring  to 
the  fpirits  of  the  American  army  and  people,  a 
fhort  time  before  driven  to  the  brink  of  def- 
pair.  They  had  viewed  the  Heflians  as  a  moil 
terrific  enemy,  and  in  conjunction  with  the 
Veterans  of  Britain,  as  an  invulnerable  foe.  T® 


S48  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.  fee  fuch  a  body  of  them  furprifed  in  their 
~~~ camp,  and  yielding  themfelves  prifoners  to  the 
fhreds  of  an  American  army,  infpired  them 
with  a  boldnefs  that  an  action  of  the  greateft 
magnitude  might  not  have  awakened  in  diffe- 
rent circumftances.  General  Wamington  did 
not  fit  down  in  Philadelphia  fatisfied  with  the 
eclat  of  this  enterprife,  but  in  a  few  days  again 
pailed  the  Delaware,  and  took  poft  at  Trenton. 

The  Britim  army  elated  by  fuccefs,  had  lain 
carelefsly  cantoned  in  fmall  divifions,  in  a  line 
extending  through  New  Jerfey  to  New  York. 
General  Howe  was  afterwards  feverely  cenfu- 
red  by  his  employers,  for  his  neglect  in  not 
croffing  the  Delaware,  while  he  had  the  prom- 
ife  of  the  moil  brilliant  fuccefs  from  his  own 
arms.  The  panic  of  the  Pennfylvanians  had 
infpired  mofl  of  them  with  a  difpoiition  to  fuc- 
cumb  to  any  terms  he  mould  irnpofe,  which 
ought  to  have  been  an  additional  ftimulus  to 
have  purfued  his  good  fortune.  Nor  was  he 
lefs  cenfured  for  his  unguarded  cantonments, 
through  fuch  an  extenfive  line  as  the  whole 
length  of  the  Jeriies.* 

General  Wamington  moved  on  from  Trenr 
ton  to  Princetown  by  a  circuitous  march,  to 
avoid  engaging  the  Britim  or  being  hemmed 
in  near  Trenton.  He  fuddenly  attacked  the 

t  See  trial  and  defence  of  general  Howe. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  34»9 


Britifli  encampment  at  Princetown,  while  the 
main  body  of  the  Britifh  army  had  marched  to 
Trenton,  with  defign  to  diflodge  the  Ameri- 
cans from  that  poft.  From  Princetown  the 
American  army  moved  to  Elizabethtown. 
Animated  by  fuccefs,  warmed  by  bravery,  and- 
fupported  by  fortitude,  they  gathered  ftrength 
as  they  moved,  and  gained  fome  fignal  ad- 
vantages in  feveral  places  on  the  Jerfey  fide  of 
the  river  ;  and  in  their  turn  purfued  the  king's 
troops,  with  as  much  rapidity  as  they  had  re- 
cently fled  before  them  ;  while  the  Britifh,  as 
if  feized  with  a  general  panic,  made  but  a  fee- 
ble refiftance. 

After  many  marches,  counter-marches,  and 
{kirmimes,  the  ftrength  of  the  Britiih  force 
was  collected  at  Brunfwick,  a  town  in  the 
Jeriies,  about  iixty  miles  from  Philadelphia, 
and  thirty-five  from  New  York.  They  con- 
tinued their  head-quarters  there  the  remainder 
of  the  winter  ;  but  they  were  not  without 
apprehenfions  for  the  fafety  of  their  troops 
and  their  magazines,  even  at  this  diftance 
from  Philadelphia,  notwithftanding  the  con- 
tempt with  which  they  had  but  a  fhort  time 
before,  viewed  the  broken,  difheartened  re- 
mams  of  a  continental  army,  which  they  had 
purfued  into  the  city. 

The  Britifli  were  indeed  very  far  fuperior  to 
llui  Americans,  in  ev^ry  refpecl  neceffijry  to 


350  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.       military  operations,  except  the  revivified  cou* 
~  rage  and  refolution,  the  refult  of  fudden  fuccefk 

after  defpair.  In  this,  the  Americans  at  the 
time  yielded  the  palm  to  none  ;  while  the  con- 
fidence of  their  antagonifts  apparently  dimin- 
ifhed,  and  victory  began  by  them  to  be  viewed 
at  a  diftance. 

The  wafte  of  human  life  from  various  caufes, 
through  the  viciffitudes  of  this  winter,  was 
not  inconiiderable  on  either  iide  :  but  the  fuc- 
cefs  of  the  American  arms  through  the  Jerfies, 
was  in  fome  meafure  damped  by  the  death  of 
the  brave  general  Mercer  of  Virginia,  who  fell 
at  Princetovvn,  in  an  action  made  memorable 
by  the  lofs  of  fo  gallant  an  officer.  His  diftin- 
guilhed  merit  was  gratefully  acknowledged  by 
congrefs,  in  the  provilion  afterwards  made  for 
the  education  and  fupport  of  the  youngeft  fon 
of  his  family. 

The  fortunate  movements  of  the  Americans 
at  this  critical  era,  had  the  ufual  effect  on  pub- 
lic opinion.  Such  is  human  nature,  that  fuc- 
cefs  ever  brightens  the  talents  of  the  fortunate 
commander,  and  applaufe  generally  outruns  the 
expectations  of  the  ambitious.  General  Wafh- 
ington,  popular  before,  from  this  period  be- 
came the  idol  of  his  country,  and  the  admira-, 
tion  of  his  enemies.  His  humanity  to  the  pri- 
foners  who  fell  into  his  hands,  was  a  contraft 
to  the  feverities  fuffered  by  thofe  captured  at 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  351 

fort  Wamington,  and  the  victims  in  other  CHAM*. 
places,  that  fell  under  the  power  of  either  Hef-  — — 
fians  or  Britons.  In  a  book  of  general  orders 
belonging  to  colonel  Rhal,  found  after  the  ac- 
tion at  Trenton,  it  was  recorded,  that  "  His 
"  excellency  the  commander  in  chief  orders, 
"  that  all  Americans  found  in  arms,  not  having 
"  an  officer  with  them,  fhall  be  immediately 
"  hanged."*  This  inftance  may  ferve  as  a  fam- 
ple  of  the  cruel  deligns,  and  fummary  modes  of 
proceeding  to  execution  among  military  maf* 
ters,  who  hold  themfelves  above  the  cenfure 
or  control  of  civil  authority,  or  the  reftraints 
of  humanity. 

On  the  contrary,  the  lenity. fliewn  by  gen- 
eral Wafhington  towards  the  loyalifts  captured 
by  his  foldiers,  difarmed  the  prejudices  of  ma- 
ny,  and  multitudes  flocked  to  the  American 
ftandard,  who,  in  the  beginning  of  the  difpute, 
were  favorers  of  the  royal  caufe,  and  within  a 
few  months  had  been  ready  to  throw  them- 
felves into  the  arms  of  Great  Britain.  But 
every  favorable  impreflion  was  erafed,  and  ev- 
ery idea  of  fubmiflion  annihilated,  by  the  in- 
difcriminate  ravages  of  the  Heffian  and  Britim 
foldiery  in  their  route  through  the  Jerfies.  The 

*  The  intimation  of  lord  Cornwallis  afterwards,  to  the 
commander  of  a  party  fent  out,  much  fuperior  to  the 
Americans  they  expected  to  meet,  was  not  more  humane. 
His  lordfhip  obferved,  that  "  he  wanted  no  prifoners." 


352  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.       elegant  houfes  of  fome  of  their  own  mod  de- 
~  voted  partifans  were  burnt :  their  wives  and 

"I  *7*7^> 

daughters  purfued  and  raviftied  in  the  woods 
to  which  they  had  fled  for  flicker.  Many  un- 
fortunate fathers,  in  the  ftupor  of  grief,  beheld 
the  mifery  of  their  femile  connexions,  with- 
out being  able  to  relieve  them,  and  heard  the 
flirieks  of  infant  innocence,  fubjecled  to  the 
brutal  lufl  of  Britilh  grenadiers,  or  HeJJlan 
Taughers* 

In  fliort,  it  may  be  difficult  for  the  moft  de- 
fcriptive  pen,  to  portray  the  fituation  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Jerfies,  and  the  neighbour* 
hood  of  their  flate.  The  confuiion  of  parties, 
the  difmay  of  individuals,  who  were  Hill  ferv- 
ing  in  the  remnant  of  the  American  army$ 
whofe  dear  eft  connexions  were  fcattered 
through  the  country,  and  expofed  to  the  dan- 
ger of  plunder  and  mifery,  from  the  hoftile  in- 
roads of  a  victorious  army,  can  be  imagined 
only  by  thofe  whofe  fouls  are  fufceptible  at 
once  of  the  nobleft  and  the  tender  eft  feelings* 
Many  of  this  defcription  were  among  the  brave 
officers, -who  had  led  the  fragments  of  a  fugi- 
tive army  acrofs  the  Delaware,  and  flickered 
in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  had  by  flight  efcap^ 
ed  a  total  excifion. 

But  after  efcaping  the  perilous  purfuit,  there 
appeared  little  on  which  to  ground  any  rational 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION,  353 

hope  of  effectually  counteracting  the  defigns  of  CHAP.IX 
their  enemies.  They  found  congrefs  had  re-  ~^~~ 
treated,  and  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  city 
were  agitated  and  divided.  Several  of  the 
more  wealthy  citizens  fecured  their  property 
by  renouncing  the  authority  of  congrefs,  and 
acknowledging  themfelves  the  fubjects  of  the 
crown  :  others  availed  themfelves  of  a  procla- 
mation of  pardon,  publifhed  by  the  Britifh  com- 
mander, and  took  protection  under  the  royal 
ftandard,  for  perfonal  fecurity. 

Several  officers  of  high  character  and  confid- 
eration,  were  on  the  point  of  purfuing  the 
fame  fteps,  previous  to  the  action  at  Trenton, 
from  the  anxiety  they  felt  for  their  families, 
defpair  of  the  general  caufe,  danger  of  the  city, 
or  the  immediate  military  executions  that  might 
take  place,  when  the  victorious  army  mould 
crofs  the  river,  which  they  momently  expect- 
ed. Why  this  was  not  done,  remains  involved 
among  the  fortuitous  events,  which  often  de- 
cide the  fate  of  armies,  or  of  nations,  as  it  were 
by  accident.  The  votaries  of  blind  chance,  or 
indeed  the  more  fober  calculators  on  human 
events,  would  have  pronounced  the  fortune  of 
the  day  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Britilh  com-  \ 
mander.  Why  he  did  not  embrace  her  tenders 
while  it  was  in  his  power,  no  one  can  tell ;  nor  / 
why  he  ftoppec}  fhort  on  the  borders  of  the 

VOL.  i.  2.../vr 


354  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.       river,  as  if  afraid  the  waters  of  the  Delaware, 

""  like  another   Red  Sea,  would  overwhelm  the 

1 77  fi 

purfuers  of  the  injured  Americans,  who  had  in 

many  inftances  as  manifeftly  experienced  the 
protecting  hand  of  Providence,  as  the  favored 
Ifraelites. 

The  neglect  of  fo  fair  an  opportunity,  by  a 
iingle  effort,  to  have  totally  deftroyed  or  dif- 
perfed  the  American  army,  or  in  the  language 
of  adminiftration,  to  have  cut  off  the  hydra  head 
of  tebellion,  by  the  fubjugation  of  the  capital 
city,  was  viewed  in  the  moft  unpardonable 
light  by  his  employers.  They  were  not  yet 
fully  apprifed  of  the  fpirit  of  Americans  :  their 
ideas  did  not  quadrate  with  thofe  of  a  diftin- 
guifhed  military  officer,  well  acquainted  with 
the  country,  who  obferved  in  a  letter  to  a 
friend,*  "  it  was  no  exaggeration  to  affert,  that 
"  there  were  two  hundred  thoufand  ftrong- 
"  bodied,  active  yeomanry,  ready  to  encounter 
"  all  hazards  and  dangers,  ready  to  facrifice  all 
,  *c  confiderations,  rather  than  fur  render  a  tittle 

"  of  the  rights  which  they  have  derived  from 
"  God  and  their  anceftors."  Subfequent  events 
will  prove  that  he  had  not  formed  a  miftaken 
opinion  of  the  refplution  and  prowefs  of  the 
Americans.  It  will  be  feen,  that  they  were  far 

*  See  a  letter  from  general  Charles  Lee  to  the  duke  of 
Richmond,  Oftober,  one  thoufand  ieven  hundred  and  fev- 
enty-four. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  355 

from  relinquifhing  their  claim  to  independence,    CHAP.  ix. 
by  the  ill  fuccefs   of  a  fingle  campaign.     The        ^7~ 
tardy  conduct  of  fir  William  Howe  was  repre- 
hended with  feverity  ;    nor  was  he  ever   able 
to  juftify  or  vindicate  himfelf,  either  to  admin- 
iftration  or  to  the  world. 

From  thefe  and  other  circumftances,  the 
character  of  fir  William  Howe  depreciated  in 
proportion  to  the  rifing  fame  of  the  American 
commander  in  chief,  his  rival  in  glory,  and  his 
competitor  for  the  crown  of  victory,  on  a  thea- 
tre that  foon  excited  the  curiofity,  and  awaken- 
ed the  ambition  of  the  heroes  and  princes  of 
Europe. 

Indeed  it  muft  be  acknowledged,  that  gene- 
ral Howe  had  innumerable  difficulties  to  fur- 
mount,  notwithftanding  the  number  of  his 
troops.  He  was  at  a  diflance  from  his  employ- 
ers, who  were  ignorant  of  his  fituation,  and  un- 
able to  fupport  him  as  emergencies  required. 
He  was  in  an  enemy's  country,  where  every 
acquifition  of  forage  or  provifions,  was  procur- 
ed at  the  expenfe  or  hazard  of  life  or  reputa- 
tion. A  confiderable  part  of  his  army  was 
compofed  of  difcontented  foreigners,  who,  dif- 
appointed  of  the  eafy  fettlements  they  had  been 
led  to  expect,  from  the  conquefl  of  rebels,  and 
the  forfeiture  of  their  eflates, — their  former 
poverty  not  mitigated,  nor  their  yoke  of  flave- 
ry  meliorated,  in  the  fervice  of  their  new  maf- 


356  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS      OF 

,£HAP.  ix.      ters, — they  were  clamorous  for  pay,  and  too 
„  eager  for  plunder,  to  be  kept  within  the  rules 

of  difcipline  :  and  their  alien  language  and  man- 
ners difgufting  to  their  Britifh  comrades,  a 
conilant  bickering  was  kept  up  between  them. 

Nor  was  the  Britifh  commander  lefs  embar- 
raffed  by  the  tories,  who  from  every  ftate  had 
fled  from  the  refentment  of  their  countrymen, 
and  hung  upon  his  hands  for  fubfiftence.  On 
their  fidelity  or  their  information,  he  could 
make  little  dependence.  Many  of  them  had 
never  pofleiTed  property  at  all,  others  irritated  by 
the  lofs  of  wealth  ;  bpth  were  continually  urging 
him  to  deeds  of  cruelty,  to  which  he  did  not 
feem  naturally  inclined.  At  the  fame  time,  he 
was  feniible  that  the  hopes  of  his  nation  would 
link  by  the  protraction  of  a  war,  which  they 
had  flattered  themfelves  might  be  concluded 
with  the  utmoft  facility  and  expedition. 

There  were  many  concurring  circumflances 
to  lead  the  world  to  conclude,  that  lir  William 
Howe  was  not  qualified,  either  by  education  or 
habits  of  life,  for  the  execution  of  an  object  of 
fuch  magnitude,  as  the  reftoration  of  the  re- 
volted colonies  to  obedience,  and  dependence 
on  the  crown  of  Britain.  "  He  fought  as  a  fol- 
"  dier  and  a  fervant  to  his  king,  without  other 
"  principle  than  that  of  pafiive  obedience.  The 
<c  immenfity  of  the  profpecl  before  him,  em- 
*c  barrafled  his  mind,  clouded  his  underftand- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  357 

"  ing  ;  and>  too  much  engroffed  by  his  bottle    CHAP.IX. 
"  and  his  miftrefs,  he  frequently  left  his  orders    "TTZT 
"  and  his  letters  to  be  fabricated  by  fubordinate 
"  officers  :  and  feemed  at  fome  times  to  fink 
<c  into  ftupor  or  indolence,  at  others,  brave  and 
"  cool  as  Julius  Csefar." 

If  thefe  traits  of  the  character  of  the  Britifli 
commander  are  juft  and  impartial,  as  faid  to  be 
by  one  of  his  former  affociates,*  the  world  need 
be  at  no  lofs  why  fuch  inftances  of  mameful 
outrage  and  rapine  appeared  wherever  his  army 
entered ;  or  why,  when  he  had  driven  the 
Americans  over  the  Delaware,  he  did  not  pur- 
fue  and  complete  the  bufmefs,  by  a  triumphal 
entrance  into  Philadelphia,  and  the  total  deftruc- 
tion  of  general  Walhington  and  his  remaining 
troops, 

No  military  character  ever  had  a  fairer  op- 
portunity (as  obferved  above)  to  place  the  mar- 
tial laurel  on  his  brow,  than  was  prefented  to 
general  Ho\ve  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware  ; 
but  he  fuffered  it  to  wave  at  a  diftance,  with- 
out the  refolution  to  feize  it :  and  inftead  of  a 
chaplet  of  glory,  he  reaped  only  the  hatred  of 
America,  the  lofs  of  efteem  and  reputation  in 
England,  and  difgrace  and  cenfure  from  his 
parliamentary  mafters. 

*  See  letter  of  general  Lee,  Appendix,  Note  No.  XVIII, 
which  difcoversthe  temper  and  characler  of  the  writer,  as 
well  as  of  fir  William  Howe. 


358  .    THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.  The  negligence  of  fir  William  Howe  gave  an 

~    opportunity  to  the  Americans,  to  recover  the 

1775.  .  r      t      •        r 

energies  of  their  former  courage.  The  hope- 
lefs  profpect  that  had  beclouded  their  minds, 
vanifhed  on  the  fuccefsful  termination  of  a 
fingle  enterprife  projected  by  the  commander 
in  chief,  and  executed  with  refolution  and  mag- 
nanimity, by  officers  who  had  been  almoft  re- 
duced to  defpondency. 

The  furprife  of  Trenton  faved  the  army,  the 
city,  and  in  fome  degree,  the  reputation  of  the 
commander  in  chief,  which  frequently  depends 
more  on  the  fortunate  exigencies  of  a  moment 
than  on  fuperior  talents.  The  world  ever 
prone  to  neglect  the  unfortunate,  however 
brave,  amiable,  or  virtuous,  generally  pays  its 
idolatrous  homage  to  thofe  elevated  by  the  fa- 
vors of  the  ideal  deity  to  the  pinnacle  of  honor  : 
yet  real  merit  ufually  commands  the  plaudit  of 
pofterity,  however  it  may  be  withheld  by  con- 
temporaries, from  rivalry  or  envy. 

Perhaps  there  are  no  people  on  earth,  in 
whom  a  fpirit  of  enthufiaftic  zeal  is  fo  readily 
enkindled,  and  burns  fo  remarkably  confpicu- 
ous,  as  among  the  Americans,  Any  fortuitous 
circurnftance,  that  holds  out  the  moil  diftant 
promife  of  a  completion  of  their  wifhes,  is 
pumed  with  an  ardor  and  unanimity  that  fel- 
dom  fails  of  fticcefs.  This  characterise  trait 
may  in  fome  meafure  account  for  the  rapidity 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  359 

with  which  every  thing  has  been  brought  to    CHAP.  ix. 
maturity  there,  from  the  firft  fettlement  of  the 
colonies. 

The  energetic  operation  of  this  fanguine 
temper,  was  never  more  remarkably  exhibited, 
than  in  the  change  inftantaneoufly  wrought  in 
the  minds  of  men,  by  the  capture  of  Trenton 
at  fo  unexpected  a  moment.  From  a  ftate  of 
mind  bordering  on  defpair,  courage  was  invig- 
orated, every  countenance  brightened,  and  the 
nervous  arm  was  outftretched,  as  if  by  one 
general  impulfe,  all  were  determined  to  drive 
the  hoftile  invaders,  that  had  plundered  their 
villages,  and  dipt  the  remorfelefs  fword  in  the 
bofom  of  the  innocent  victims  of  their  fury, 
from  off  the  American  mores. 

But  we  .mall  fee  in  the  fubfequent  pages  of 
thefe  memoirs,  that  they  had  yet  many  years 
to  ftruggle  with  the  dangers,  the  chances,  and 
the  miferies  of  war,  before  an  extenfive  coun- 
try, convulfed  in  every  part,  was  reftored  to 
tranquillity.  Agonizing  amidft  the  complica- 
ted difficulties  of  railing,  paying,  and  keeping 
an  army  in  the  field,  it  is  eafy  to  conceive  it 
was  not  with  much  facility,  that  money  was 
drawn  from  the  pockets  of  the  rich,  for  the  fup- 
port  of  the  public  caufe,  at  the  hazard  of  re- 
ceiving a  fcrip  of  depreciated  paper,  in  lieu  of 
filver  and  gold. 


360  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.  A  nominal  fubftitute  for  fpecie  has  often  its 

temporary  advantages,  and  when  not  extended 
too  far,  its  permanent  ones  ;  but  is  oftener  at- 
tended with  a  great  balance  of  evil.  Its  decep- 
tive value  often  plunges  a  great  part  of  the 
community  into  ruin,  and  corrupts  the  morals 
of  the  people  before  they  are  appreheniive  of  the 
danger.  Yet  without  the  expedient  of  a  paper 
currency,  the  Americans  could  never  have  fup- 
ported  an  army,  or  have  procured  the  necefla- 
ries  of  life  from  day  to  day.  Experience  had 
before  taught  them  the  pernicious  effe&s  of  a 
paper  medium,  without  funds  fufficient  for  its 
redemption  ;  but  the  peculiar  exigencies  of 
their  fituation,  left  them  no  other  refources. 

The  United  States  had  engaged  in  an  hazard- 
ous enterprize,  in  which  all  was  at  ftake.  De- 
ficient as  they  were  in  the  means  neceflary  to 
fupport  a  war,  againfl  a  wealthy  and  potent  na- 
tion, they  yet  ilood  alone,  uncertain  whether 
any  other  power  would  aid  their  caufe,  or  view 
them  with  that  degree  of  coniideration,  that 
might  obtain  a  credit  for  foreign  loans.  It  was 
an  interefting  fpeclacle  to  all  fuch  nations  as  had 
colonies  of  their  own,  to  view  fuch  an  unexpect- 
ed fpirit  of  refinance  and  revolt  in  the  Ameri- 
cans, as  might  be  contagious,  and  probably  pro- 
duce commotions  as  much  to  be  dreaded  by 
them,  as  the  alienation  of  the  thirteen  colonies 
was  by  England.  The  moft  judicious  ftatefmen 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION. 

in  America  were  feniible,  that  much  time  muft 
elapfe,  and  many  events  take  place,  before  any 
foreign  flipulations  could  be  effected.  They 
were  therefore  impelled  by  the  peculiar  circum- 
ftances  of  their  fltuation,  to  refort  to  this  dan- 
gerous expedient,  or  relinquim  the  conteft. 
No  wife  legiflator,  no  experienced  ftatefrnan, 
no  man  of  principle,  would  have  recourfe  to  a 
meafure  fraught  with  fuch  uncertain  confe- 
quences,  but  from  that  neceffity  which  in  hu- 
man affairs,  fometimes  precludes  all  delibera- 
tion between  prefent  utility,  and  diftant  events 
which  may  accrue. 

In  confequence  of  this  dilemma,  congrefs  had 
emitted  fums  to  a  vail  amount  in  paper  bills, 
with  a  promife  on  the  face  of  the  bill,  of  pay- 
ment in  fpecie  at  fome  diftant  period.  This 
circumftance  was  alarming  to  the  avaricious 
and  the  wealthy,  who  immediately  withdrew 
their  gold  and  filver  from  circulation.  This 
and  other  combining  circumftances,  among 
•which  the  immenfe  fums  counterfeited  in  New 
York  by  the  Britiih,  and  thrown  into  the  col- 
onies, produced  an  immediate  and  an  aftonifh- 
ing  depreciation.  At  the  fame  time,  the  wid- 
ow and  the  orphan  were  obliged  to  receive 
the  interefl  of  their  property,  depofited  for 
fecurity  in  the  public  treasuries,  according  to 
the  nominal  fum  on  the  face  of  the  bills  ;  by 
which  they  and  other  claffes,  were  reduced  to 

VOL.  I.  2....X 


362  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  ix.  extreme  neceffity.  The  operative  effects  of 
this  paper  medium,  its  ufes,  its  depreciation, 
and  total  annihilation,  will  be  feen  hereafter, 
when  the  credit  of  the  circulating  paper  had 
funk  fo  low,  that  no  one  preiumed  to  offer  it 
in  barter  for  any  commodity.  All  public  de- 
mands were  confolidated  by  government  at  a 
very  great  difcount,  and  public  fecurities  giv- 
en to  thofe  who  had  demands  for  fervices  or 
loans,  and  the  faith  of  congrefs  pledged  for 
their  payment  in  full  value,  as  foon  as  practi- 
cable.* 

The  honor  and  the  fate  of  the  commander 
in  chief,  had  been  daily  hazarded  by  the  un- 
reftrained  licenfe  of  foldiers,  with  whom  it  was 
optional  to  flay  a  few  days  longer,  or  to  with- 
draw after  the  fhort  term  of  their  enliltment 
had  expired,  however  imminent  the  dangers 
might  be  that  threatened  their  country.  Yet 
the  eftabliihment  of  a  permanent  army  was 
not  more  ardently  wifhed  by  general  Wafh- 
ington,  than  by  every  judicious  man  in  Amer- 
ica :  but  the  work,  though  not  infurmounta- 
ble,  was  attended  with  complicated  difficul- 
ties. The  reluctance  felt  through  that  clafs  of 
men  from  which  jn  army  was  to  be  drawn, 
tr,  enliit  for  an  indefinite  term,  was  apparent 
to  all.  The  precarious  refources  for  the  fup- 
port  of  an  army,  which  at  that  time  depended 

*•  Appendix,  Note  No.  XIX 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  363 


only  on  a  depreciating  medium,  could  not  be 
concealed,  and  were  difcouraging  indeed:  at  "~V777 
the  fame  time,  it  was  a  fubjec~t  too  delicate  to 
expatiate  on,  as  the  more  it  was  converfed  up- 
on, the  greater  was  the  danger  of  defeating  the 
deiired  object.  But,  the  finnnefs  of  congrefs 
unmaken,  and  the  legiflatures  of  the  individ- 
ual ftates  equally  zealous,  while  the  people  at 
large  were  convinced  of  the  utility  of  the  mea- 
fure,  the  object  was  in  time  obtained,  though 
not  fo  rapidly  as  the  exigencies  of  the  day  re- 
quired. 


364?  THE    RISE    AND     PROGRESS    OF 


CHAPTER  X. 

Defultory  Circumftances. — Skirmifhes  and  Events. — Gen- 
eral Howe  withdraws  from  the  Jerfies — Arrives  at  the 
River  Elk — Followed  by  Wafhington. — The  Battle  of 
Brandywine — General  Waftiington  defeated,  retreats 
to  Philadelphia — Obliged  to  draw  off  his  Army. — Lord 
Cornwallis  takes  PofTeffion  of  the  City. — Action  at  Ger- 
mantown,  Red  Bank,  £c. — The  Britifh  Army  take 
Winter-Quarters  in  Philadelphia. — The  Americans  en- 
camp at  Valley-Forge. — General  Wafhington's  Situa- 
tion not  eligible. — De  Lille's  Letters. — General  Con- 
way  reiigns. — The  Baron  de  Steuben  appointed  In- 
fpedlor  General  of  the  American  Army. 


CHAP.  X. 


IN  the  beginning   of  the  year  one  thoufand 

— feven  hundred  and  feventy-feven,  the  fpirits  of 

the  Americans  were  generally  re-animated  by 
freih  hopes,  in  confequence  of  the  meafures  tak- 
en by  congrefs  to  eftablim  a  permanent  army, 
until  the  conclufion  of  the  war,  and  ftill  more 
by  their  fanguine  expectations  of  fuccefs  from 
the  negociations,  and  profpecls  of  an  alliance 
with  France. 

A  folemn  confederation,  confuting  of  a  num- 
ber of  articles  by  which  the  United  States 
fhould  in  future  be  governed,  had  been  draft- 
ed, difcuifed,  and  unanimouily  iigned  by  all 
the  delegates  in  congrefs,  in  the  month  of  Oc- 
tober, one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy- 
fix.  This  inftrument  was  fent  to  each  legiila- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  365 

ture  in  the  thirteen  Hates,  and  approved  and  CHAP.X. 
afterwards  ratified  by  the  individual  govern- 
ments.  After  this,  the  congrefs  of  the  United 
States  thought  proper  to  appoint  commiflioners 
to  the  court  of  France,  when  fortunately  a  loan 
of  money  was  negociated  on  the  faith  of  the 
United  States,  and  permiflion  obtained  for  the 
reception  of  American  mips  of  war,  and  the 
fale  of  prizes  that  might  be  captured  by  them, 
and  carried  into  any  of  the  ports  of  France. 
They  were  alfo  encouraged  to  hope  for  (till  fur- 
ther afliftance  from  the  generofity  of  that  na- 
tion. 

The  growth  of  the  infant  marine  of  the 
United  States  had  been  fo  rapid,  and  fo  fuccefs- 
ful  had  been  the  adventurers  in  this  early  ftage 
of  the  war,  that  it  was  rationally  concluded, 
it  could  not  be  many  years  before  the  navy  of 
America  might  make  a  refpeclable  figure  among 
the  nations. 

It  was  not  expected  in  Great  Britain,  that 
the  colonies  could  thus  early  have  acquired  a 
naval  force  of  the  leaft  confideration.  In  con- 
fequence  of  this  idea,  a  great  number  of  Brit- 
iih  mips  and  tranfports,  that  went  out  {lightly 
armed,  or  not  armed  at  all,  were  this  year  cap- 
tured on  their  way  to  America.  So  bold  and 
adventurous  were  the  American  privateers,  and 
their  public  mips,  that  the  domeftic  trade  of 
Britain  was  rendered  infecure  ;  and  a  convoy 


366  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

became  neceffary  to  protect  the  linen  fliips  from 
1777  Dublin  to  Newry :  a  circumftance  that  never 
before  took  place.*  The  fuccefsful  depredations 
alfo  on  the  Britim  Weft  India  trade,  were  felt 
through  Great  Britain  in  an  alarming  degree  ; 
and  fhocked  their  commerce  fo  far,  as  to  occa- 
iion  fudden  and  frequent  bankruptcies  in  Lon- 
don, Briftol,  and  almoft  all  the  great  marts  of 
the  nation. 

Thus  the  colonies  were  filled  with  every 
thing  neceiTary  for  carrying  on  a  war,  or  that 
furnifhed  them  the  luxuries  of  life.  But  the 
fudden  acquiiition  of  wealth,  which  in  confe- 
quence  of  unexpected  fuccefs,  flowed  into  the 
lap  of  individuals,  fo  much  beyond  their  former 
fortune  or  ideas,  was  not  indeed  very  favorable 
to  the  virtue  or  manners  of  the  poflefTors.  It 
had  a  tendency  to  contract  the  mind,  and  led 
it  to  Ihrink  into  felfifh  views  and  indulgencies, 
totally  inconfiftent  with  genuine  republicanifm. 
The  coffers  of  the  rich  were  not  unlocked  for 
the  public  benefit,  but  their  contents  were  lib- 
erally fquandered  in  purfuit  of  frivolous  enjoy- 
ments, to  which  moft  of  them  had  heretofore 
been  ftrangers. 

This  avaricious  fpirit,  indeed,  fomewhat  re- 
tarded the  meafures  contemplated  by  congrefs, 
who  had  determined,  that  the  army  in  future 

*  Britifh  Annual  Regiflery  1777. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  S6T 

fliould  fland  on  a  more  ftable  footing.     They    CHAP.  *.     : 
had  directed  that  eighty-eight  battalions  fliould  L 

be  raifed,  and  kept  in  full  pay  until  the  clofe 
of  the  war  ;  and  as  an  encouragement  to  enlift, 
they  promifed  a  certain  allotment  of  lands  to 
both  officers  and  foldiers,  at  the  commence- 
ment of  peace  ;  yet  the  recruiting  fervice  went 
on  heavily  for  a  time,  and  at  an  immenfe  ex- 
penfe  to  the  United  States.  But  among  a  peo- 
ple whofe  perfonal  liberty  had  been  their 
proudeft  boaft,  the  above  was  not  the  fole  caufe 
of  the  difficulty  of  railing  a  permanent  army  : 
the  novelty  of  being  enchained  to  a  ftanding 
army  was  difgufting  ;  they  generally  revolted 
at  the  idea  of  enlifting  for  an  indefinite  term  : 
thus  the  army  ftill  remained  incomplete,  and 
the  militia  were  again  called  out  as  before.  In 
that  mode  there  was  no  want  of  zeal  and  alac- 
rity ;  great  numbers  always  appeared  ready 
tor  any  temporary  fervice. 

During  the  winter  of  this  year,  the  Britifli 
commander  did  not  attempt  any  thing  of 
greater  magnitude,  than  the  deftruction  of  the  % 
American  magazines.  He  effected  his  purpofe 
at  Peekfkill,  at  Courtland  Manor ;  and  about 
the  middle  of  April,  he  fent  on  a  detachment 
under  the  command  of  governor  Try  on,  to  the 
little  town  of  Danbury,  on  the  borders  of  Con- 
necticut, where  a  confiderable  quantity  of  pro- 
vifions  and  other  articles  had  been  depofited, 
for  the  ufe  of  the  American  army.  lie  coniid- 


368  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  x.        ered  it  of  great  importance  to  cut  off  thefe  re- 
7        fources,  before  the  opening  of  the  fpring  cam- 
paign. 

In  conjunction  with  fir  William  Erfkine  and 
brigadier  general  Agnew,  governor  Tryon, 
who  had  embodied  near  two  thoufand  royalifts, 
was  vetted  with  the  principal  command,  on  the 
trivial  expedition  to  Danbury.  He  executed 
his  orders  with  alacrity.  They  deftroyed  a  few 
hogiheads  of  rum  and  fugar,  a  confiderable 
quantity  of  grain  and  other  provifions,  about 
feventeen  hundred  tents,  and  plundered  and 
burnt  a  number  of  houfes  in  the  town  of  Dan- 
bury.  But  their  retreat  to  their  ihipping  was 
intercepted  by  the  militia  of  the  country,  drawn 
out  by  the  generals  Woofler  and  Silliman.  A 
fmall  detachment  of  continental  troops  com- 
manded by  general  Arnold,  with  a  party  of  re- 
cruiting officers  joined  them,  and  a  rencounter 
enfued,  when  much  bravery  was  exhibited  on 
both  fides.  General  Woofter,  an  aged  and  ex- 
perienced oiEcer,  and  a  very  worthy  man,  was 
mortally  wounded.  General  Arnold  had  his 
horfe  fliot  under  him  at  the  moment  a  foldier 
had  his  bayonet  lifted  for  his  deftruction  ;  but 
with  furprizing  agility,  he  difengaged  himfelf 
from  his  horfe,  and  drew  a  piftol  that  laid  his 
enemy  dead  at  his  feet.  On  the  third  day  af- 
ter his  landing,  governor  Tryon  again  reached 
the  lliipping,  and  re-embarked  his  troops  with 
inconfiderable  lofs,  though  exceedingly  fatigued 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  369 

by  a  march  of  thirty  miles,  haraffed  the  whole    CHAP.  x. 
time  by  an  enemy  arranged  on  each  hand,  and 
preffed  in  the  rear  by  recruits  hourly  coming 
in  to  the  ailiitance  of  his  opponents.* 

Within  a  fe\v  days,  reprifals  were  made  for 
this  fuccefsful  feat  of  Tryon,  by  the  more  brill- 
iant enterprife  of  colonel  Meiggs ;  who,  with 
only  one  hundred  and  feventy  men,  landed  on 
the  fouthern  part  of  Long  liland,  furprifed 
the  enemy  lying  at  Sag  Harbour,  burnt  twelve 
armed  veffels,  captured  the  failors,  deftroyed 
the  forage  and  ftores  on  the  eafl  part  of  the 
ifland,  and  returned  to  Guilford,  about  ninety 
miles  diftance,  within  thirty  hours  from  the 
time  of  his  departure  from  thence.  He  brought 
with  him  the  trophies  of  his  fuccefs,  without 
the  lofs  of  a  man.  As  no  action  of  importance 
was  exhibited  for  feveral  months,  thefe  fmaller 
depredations  and  inconiiderable  fkirmiflies, 
ferved  only  to  keep  the  fpirits  in  play,  and  pre- 
ferve  the  mind  from  that  lethargic  ftate,  which 
inaction  or  want  of  object  creates. 

The  plan  digefted  for  the  fummer  campaign, 
among  the  Britifh  officers,  was,  to  gain  poffef- 


*  It  has  been  acknowledged  by  fome  Britifh  hiflorians, 
that  their  lofs  more  than  counterbalanced  the  advantages 
gained  in  this  expedition  to  Danbury, 

VOI,.  L  2....Y 


370  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  x.        fion  of  Philadelphia,  to  command  the  central 
.  ' '    "    colonies,  and  to  drive  the  Americans  from  all 
their  pofts  in  the  province  of  Canada.     Some 
circumftances  had  taken  place  that  feemed  to 
favor  thefe  defi^ns.     Confident   of  his  fuccefs 
from  his  fuperior  numbers  in  the  field,  general 
Howe  for  a  time,  exercifed  all  the  artifices  of 
an  experienced  commander,  to  bring  general 
Waihington  to  a  decifive  engagement :    but, 
from  a  perfect  command  of  his  temper,  and  a 
judicious  arrangement  of  the  few  continental 
troops,  and  the  militia  he  had  in  aid,  the  Amer- 
ican chieftain  defeated  every  meafure  practifed 
to  bring  him  to  a  general  action.     He  placed 
about  two  thoufand  men  in  Princeton,  and  with 
the  main  body  of  his  army,  took  his  ftand  on 
the   high   and   advantageous   grounds   in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  made  all  poflible  prepara- 
tion for  defence.     This  determined  line  of  con- 
duct in  general  Waihington,  gave  a  new  turn 
to  Britifh  operations.     On  the  nineteenth  of 
June,  general  Howe  decamped  from  Brunfwick, 
and  removed   to   Amboy,  with  every  appear- 
ance of  a  fpeedy  embarkation.     His  troops  as 
ufual  committed  every  outrage  on  their  way, 
and  as  if  inftigated  by  defpair  of  becoming  maf- 
ters  of  the  country,  and  envious  of  the  progrefs 
of  arts  and  fciences  in  America,  the  colleges 
and  public  libraries  were  burnt,  all  public  build- 
ings  and   places  of  worihip  fwept    away,  and 
nothing  that  had  the  appearance  of  diftinguifh- 
ed  elegance  efcaped.     But  the  mind  and  the 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  371 


pen  weary  of  the  detail  of  deflruclion,  it  is 
enough  to  obferve,  that  the  Britiih  army  in 
their  retreat,  left  every  trait  of  defolation  and 
barbarifm  behind  them, 

The  manoeuvres  of  the  Britifli  commander 
led  to  the  belief,  and  every  thing  wore  the 
ftrongeft  appearance,  that  he  was  about  to  take 
a  final  leave  of  the  Jerfies.  The  illufion  fuc- 
ceeded  fo  far,  as  to  induce  general  Walhington 
to  fend  a  body  of  three  thoufand  men,  com- 
manded by  the  generals  Maxwell,  Conway,  and 
lord  Stirling,  with  defign  to  attack  the  rear  of 
their  march.  General  Howe  apprifed  of  this 
movement,  haftily  returned  to  the  charge.  He 
difpatched  lord  Cornwallis  on  a  circuitous 
route,  who  foon  came  up  with  lord  Stirling, 
ftrongly  polled  in  a  wood. 

The  Americans  determined  to  difpute  the 
ground  with  Cornwallis  ;  but  the  ardor  of  the 
Britifh  troops,  and  the  rivalry  of  the  Heffians, 
obliged  them  foon  to  quit  their  advantageous 
poft,  and  retreat  with  precipitation.  The  lofs 
the  Americans  fuftained  was  not  inconfidera- 
ble  ;  they  fuffered  greatly,  both  from  the  ex- 
treme heat  of  the  feafon,  and  the  valor  of  their 
antagonifts.  From  this  and  fome  other  circum- 
ftances,  it  was  for  a  time  generally  believed, 
that  the  late  movement  of  general  Howe  and 
his  army,  was  but  a  feint  to  draw  general  Wafli- 
ington  to  an  action,  rather  than  from  a  fixed 


372  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

defign  immediately  to  evacuate  the  ftate  of 
New  Jerfey.  Convinced  of  this,  Wafliington 
drew  in  his  lines,  and  recovered  his  camp  on 
the  hills,  determined  to  perfevere  in  his  defen- 
iive  fyftern,  until  fome  more  advantageous  op- 
portunity fliould  juftify  the  hazard  of  a  general 
engagement. 

It  would  undoubtedly  have  been  highly  im- 
prudent for  general  Howe  at  this  time,  to  have 
perfifted  in  pufhing  his  way  to  the  Delaware, 
through  a  country  difgufted  and  alienated  by 
the  barbarity  of  his  troops.  Moil  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  this  ilate  were  now  armed  for  defence. 
Inflamed  by  refentment  from  the  fufterings  of 
the  laft  year,  impelled  by  neceffity  from  the 
impediments  in  the  way  of  all  private  occupa- 
tions, and  fired  by  a  love  of  glory,  they  were 
now  ardent  for  action,  in  proportion  as  they 
had  been  heretofore  remifs  ;  and'\came  to  the 
field  prepared  to  conquer  or  die  in  defence  of 
their  country.  At  the  fame  time,  general 
Wafliington  was  daily  gaining  ftrength  by  the 
arrival  of  frelh  troops,  from  various  other 
quarters. 

The  Britifli  commander  accordingly  thought 
proper  about  mid-fummer,  to  decamp  in  ear- 
neft.  He  drew  off  his  whole  force  as  privately 
as  poilible  to  New  York  ;  thence  embarked, 
and  failed  from  Sandy  Hook  the  twenty-third 
of  July.  The  deflination  of  the  fleet  and  army 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  373 

was  kept  fo  profoundly  fecret,  that  for  fome  CHAP.  x. 
time  after  their  embarkation,  every  capital  on 
the  continent  was  apprehenfive  that  they 
fhould  be  the  object  of  the  next  vifit  from  a  po- 
tent armament,  that  feemed  at  a  lofs  where  to 
direct  their  operations.  This  expectation  occa- 
iioned  a  general  anxiety  until  the  latter  part  of 
Auguft,  when  the  fleet  appeared  in  the  Chefa- 
peak,  and  the  army  foon  after  landed  at  the 
head  of  the  river  Elk.  'On  his  arrival  there, 
general  Howe  immediately  publifhed  a  procla- 
mation, in  which  he  allured  the  inhabitants  ev- 
ery where  of  fafety  and  protection,  provided 
they  were  not  found  in  arms,  and  promifed 
pardon  to  all  officers  and  foldiers  who  mould 
furrender  to  the  royal  army. 

Indeed  his  difpofition  to  clemency  appeared 
fo  confpicous  on  his  firft  arrival,  that  it  prevent- 
ed the  entire  depopulation  of  the  adjacent  parts 
of  Maryland,  Pennfylvania,  and  the  lower 
counties  of  Delaware  ;  the  inhabitants  of 
which,  on  the  firft  appearance  of  fo  formidable 
a  foe  in  their  neighbourhood,  were  ftruck 
with  confirmation,  and  on  the  point  of  aban- 
doning their  habitations. 

It  was  now  obvious,  that  the  pofleflkm  of  the 
city  of  Philadelphia  was  the  flake  for  which 
both  armies  played.  General  Washington  had 
moved  with  the  greateft  part  of  his  troops  for 
the  defence  of  that  elegant  city,  and  had  by  de- 


374  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 


tached  parties,  embarraffed  the  march  of  the 
Britifli  army  from  the  river  Elk  to  the  Bran- 
dywine.  In  the  neighbourhood  of  the  laft  the 
two  armies  met,  and  on  the  eleventh  of  Sep- 
tember came  to  a  general  engagement.  The 
battle  was  fought  with  bravery,  and  fuflained 
with  fpirit  on  both  fides  ;  but  the  fortune  of 
the  day  declared  againft  the  Americans,  yet  not 
fo  decidedly  as  the  fanguine  expectations  of 
their  antagonifls  had*  led  them  to  hope  from 
fuch  an  event.  But  it  gave  them  an  aftonifh- 
ing  advantage  in  the  minds  of  the  people 
through  all  the  diftrict  of  Pennfylvania  ;  and 
enabled  general  Howe  with  more  facility  to 
complete  his  enterprife.  Many  officers  of  high 
rank  on  both  fides,  fuffered  much  in  the  fpirit- 
ed  action  at  the  Brandywine.  A  few  days  af- 
ter this  affair,  general  Wayne,  who  had  con- 
cealed himfelf  in.  a  wood,  with  fifteen  hundred 
men,  in  order  to  harafs  the  rear  of  the  Britifh, 
was  difcovered  and  attacked  by  brigadier  gen- 
eral Grey,  who  had  given  orders  that  no  alarm 
mould  be  made  by  the  ufe  of  fire-arms.  He 
made  the  onfet  about  one  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing ;  and  by  the  more  cruel  exercife  of  the 
bayonet,  feveral  hundred  Americans  were  kill- 
ed and  wounded  :  the  remainder  with  difficulty 
efcaped  by  flight. 

Among  others  who  fuffered  in  the  battle  of 
Erandywine,  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  a  young 
nobleman  of  France,  was  dangeroufly  wound-. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  S? 

ed.     Warmed  by  an  enthufiaftic  love  of  liberty,    CHAP.  x. 
and  animated  by  a  laudable  ambition,  this  amia-     "~~ 
ble  young   gentleman   had  left   the   court   of 
France  without  leave  of  the  king  :  and  quitting 
the  pleafures  of  domeftic  felicity,  he  embarked 
at  his  own  expenfe,  and  engaged  in  the  fervice 
of  the  United  States  at  an  early  period  of  the 
war,  when   the    affairs   of  America  wore  the 
darkeft  afpecl.     His   zeal  and  his   heroifm   to 
the  concluiion  of  the  conteft,  placed  the  well- 
earned  laurel  on  his  brow,  and  procured  him 
the  love,  refpecl,  and  bpft  wimes  of  the  people 
throughout  America.     Indeed  all  the  French 
officers  in  the  continental  army,  among  whom 
were   many  of  high  confideration,   acquitted 
themfelves  with  diftinguifhed  gallantry  on  this 
and  many  other  occafions,  where  the  courage 
of  the  foldier,  and  the  humanity  of  the  officer, 
were  called  into  exercife. 

General  Wafliington  obliged  to  retreat  in 
diforder,  and  clofely  purfued  after  the  action, 
retired  to  Chefter.  He  foon  after  with  his  ar- 
my reached  Philadelphia  ;  but  the  Britifh  com- 
manders directed  their  operations  with  fo  much 
judgment  and  fuccefs,  that  before  the  twenty- 
fixth  of  September,  Wafliington  thought 
proper  to  evacuate  the  city.  Lord  Cornwallis 
with  the  Britifh  grenadiers,  and  two  battalions 
of  Heflians,  on  that  day  made  a  triumphal  en- 
try, and  took  poffeflion  of  the  capital  of  the 
United  States. 


376  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

:HAP.  x.  The  era  was  truly  critical.     Congrefs  again 

"~" found  it  neceflary,afecond  time  to  defert  the  city, 

and  now  repaired  to  York-Town  for  fafety.  Dif- 
feniions  ran  high  among  the  inhabitants  of  Phila- 
delphia. Some  of  the  moft  opulent  families  were 
difaffefted,  and  renounced  all  adherence  to  the 
union  :  and  feveral  perfons  of  different  defcrip- 
tions,  emboldened  by  the  abfence  of  congrefs, 
and  the  fuccefs  of  the  Britilh  arms,  took  this 
opportunity  to  declare  in  favor  of  the  royal 
caufe.  One  of  principal  confideration  among 
them,  went  out,  and  conducted  the  king's 
troops  into  the  city.  Others  declared  them- 
felves  zealoufly  attached  to  the  meafures  of  ad- 
mininration,  and  equally  difgufted  with  the 
oppolition  of  the  colonies.  Among  thefe  was 
Jofeph  Galloway,  a  member  of  congrefs,  and 
fpeaker  of  the  houfe  of  reprefentatives  in  Penn- 
fylvania.  He  foon  after  repaired  to  England  ; 
where  he  indefatigably  exerted  his  abilities  and 
his  influence  againft  his  native  country,  on  all 
occafions. 

Beiides  thofe  individual  apoftates,  the  quaker 
intereft  had  long  embarrafled  every  public 
meafure  in  that  colony.  They  were  a  large 
and  powerful  body  in  the  flate  of  Pennfylva- 
nia  ;  and,  notwithstanding  their  pacific  princi- 
ples, though  not  actually  in  arms,  they  at  this 
time  took  a  decided  part  againft  the  American 
caufe.  Their  previous  conduct  had  drawn  up- 
on themfelves  many  feverities.  Several  of  the 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  577 

principal  leaders  had  been  imprifoned,  and  oth-  CHAP.  x. 
crs  fent  out  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  on  the 
approach  of  the  Britifh  army.  Yet  flill  they 
refufed  the  fmalleft  fubmiffion  to  the  prefent 
government,  and  appealed  to  the  laws,  by 
which  they  claimed  perfonal  fafety.  But  whe- 
ther from  a  confideration  of  the  neceffity  of  a 
temporary  fufpeniion  of  law,  in  times  of  pub- 
lic and  imminent  danger,  or  whether  from  the 
fanguine  refolutions  which  operate  on  all  par- 
ties, when  their  favorite  fyftem  totters  on  the 
brink  of  ruin,  little  regard  was  paid  even  to 
the  legal  claims  of  this  body  of  citizens.  Seve- 
ral perfons  of  the  firft  drFdnction  and  character 
among  them,  nofwithftanding  their  juft  and 
fenfible  remonftrances,  were  fent  off  to  Virgin- 
ia, to  prevent  the  influence  they  might  have 
through  a  ftate,  then  the  principal  feat  of  war. 

From  thefe  political  diffenfions,  the  partial 
defeats,  the  lofs  of  Philadelphia,  the  ilownefs 
of  recruits  for  permanent  fervice,  the  difficulty 
of  obtaining  fupplies  for  the  army  from  various 
caufes,  and  particularly  from  the  monopolizing 
and  avaricious  fpirit  that  was  faft  gaining 
ground  in  America,  and  from  delay,  "  the  be- 
"  trayer  of  all  confederations,"  a  lowering  af- 
pect  was  caft  over  the  operations  of  America 
on  every  lide.  On  the  contrary,  the  Britifh 
government,  the  army,  and  their  adherents, 

VOL.   I*  2....Z 


378  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  x.  had  much  reafon  to  flatter  themfelves  with  an 
TIT"""  idea  of  the  fpeedy  completion  of  their  defigns 
againft  the  United  States.  They  were  now  in 
poffeflion  of  the  firft  city  in  the  union  ;  general 
Clinton  was  in  force  at  New  York  ;  general 
Vaughan  on  the  North  River,  with  troops  fuf- 
ficient  to  fweep  away  the  inhabitants  on  both 
fides,  and  to  keep  the  adjacent  country  in  awe. 
A  large  detachment  of  the  Britiih  army  {till 
held  the  poileffion  of  Newport :  colonel  Lof- 
bourg  with  a  Heffian  brigade  in  conjunction 
with  them,  was  piratically  plundering  the  neigh- 
bouring coafts,  and  burning  the  fcattered  villa- 
ges of  the  Itate  of  Rhode  Ifland. 

It  is  proper  here  to  obferve,  that  foon  after 
the  Britifh  troops  had  taken  pofleffion  of 
Rhode  Ifland,  fome  animofities  had  arifen  be* 
tween  general  Howe  and  lord  Percy,  who  com- 
manded there.  This  was  occafioned  by  a  re- 
quifition  from  fir  William  Howe  to  his  lord- 
fhip,  to  fend  him  on  fifteen  hundred  men  for 
the  better  defence  of  New  York,  and  to  aid  his 
operations  in  that  quarter. 

Lord  Percy  declined  a  compliance  with  this 
order,  alleging  as  a  reafon  for  this  refufal,  that 
the  Americans  were  rapidly  collecting  and 
itrengthening  themfelves  in  the  town  of  Provi- 
dence ;  that  the  number  of  troops  already 
there,  gave  them  reafon  to  be  apprehenfive  for 
the  fafety  of  Newport.  General  Howe  refent- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  379 

ed  the  refufal ;  threatened  earl  Percy  with  a  CHAP.  x. 
trial  for  difobedience  of  orders,  and  reprimand- 
ed  him  in  language  which  the  earl  thought  de- 
rogatory to  an  officer  of  his  rank,  character, 
and  confequence.  On  this  ufage,  which  lord 
Percy  confidered  very  affrontive,  he  immedi- 
ately wrote  to  his  father  the  duke  of  Northum- 
berland, requefting  him,  without  delay,  to  ob- 
tain his  recal  from  the  American  fervice.  Soon 
after  this  he  embarked  for  England,  having  re- 
figned  his  command  to  general  Prefcott. 

His  advance  to  the  chief  command  of  the 
troops  on  Rhode  Ifland,  was  not  long  enjoyed 
by  general  Prefcott,  before  a  circumftance  took 
place  which  was  fufficiently  mortifying  to  him- 
ielf  and  the  Britifh.  .  In  the  beginning  of  July, 
one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-feven, 
colonel  Barton,  a  provincial  officer,  and  feveral 
others,  accompanied  by  only  thirty-eight  men, 
embarked  in  feveral  boats  from  Warwick  Neck, 
eluding  the  vigilance  of  the  Britifh  mips  and 
guard-boats,  he  and  his  party  palled  them  in 
the  dark,  and  landed  on  Rhode  Ifland  about 
twelve  o'clock  at  night. 

Colonel  Barton  had  received  fome  intelli- 
gence, of  the  infecure  fituation  in  which  the 
Britifh  commander  frequently  lodged  on  the 
ifland.  On  this  information,  he  formed  the 
bold  defign  of  furprifmg  and  feizing  him  :  this 
he  effected  with  a  facility  beyond  his  own  mofl 


380  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  x.  fanguine  expectations.  Having  firft  fecured  the 
"  7  ^  centinel  at  the  door,  he  furprifed  general  Pref- 
cott  in  his  bed.  One  of  his  aids  leaped  from 
a  window  in  hopes  of  efcape,  but  was  prevent- 
ed. Their  defign  accomplifhed,  the  little  party 
haftened  to  their  boats  with  all  poilible  expedi- 
tion. Signals  wrere  made  for  an  alarm  on 
iliore  ;  but  it  was  too  late  :  Barton  and  his 
party  were  out  of  danger.  When  they  reach- 
ed the  fpot  from  whence  they  had  fet  out  on 
this  adventure,  a  chariot  was  prepared  for  the 
reception  of  general  Prefcott,  in  which  he  was 
efcorted  fafely  from  Warwick  to  Providence. 

Colonel  Barton  received  great  applaufe  from 
his  countrymen,  for  his  fpirited  and  well-exe- 
cuted enterprife.  It  was  not  indeed  an  object 
of  much  magnitude  ;  but  the  previous  circum- 
ftances  of  general  Prefcott's  conduct  had  been 
fuch,  as  to  render  his  capture  a  fubjecl:  of  much 
exultation  to  the  Americans.  He  had,  while 
in  command  at  Newport,  infulted  and  abufed 
the  inhabitants,  ridiculed  the  American  officers, 
and  fet  a  price  upon  fome  of  their  heads,  par- 
ticularly on  that  of  general  Arnold,  which  Ar- 
nold retaliated  with  the  advertifement  of  a 
fmall  price  for  the  head  of  general  Prefcott. 

The  fimilarity  of  circumftances  that  attend- 
ed the  capture  of  the  generals  Prefcott  and  Lee, 
and  their  rank  in  the  armies  to  which  they  re- 
fpeftively  belonged,  rendered  it  highly  proper 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  381 

that  an  exchange  fhould  have  taken  place  im-    CHAP.* 
mediately.     It  was  however  for  a  time  delay- 
ed  ;  but  finally,  general  Lee  obtained  his  liber- 
ty in  confequence  of  this  bufmefs,. 

The  difcouraging  circumftances  above  rela- 
ted with  regard  to  tha  arrangements,  military 
pofts,  and  operations  of  the  Britim,  from  New- 
port to  New  York,  and  from  New  York  to 
Philadelphia,  gave  very  promifing  profpects  of 
fuccefs  to  the  Britim  in  that  part  of  America. 
At  the  fame  time  general  Burgoyne,  with  the 
flower  of  the  Britim  army,  the  Canadian  pro- 
vincials, and  hordes  of  favages  that  poured 
down  from  beyond  the  lakes,  was  making  ad- 
vances, and  in  the  language  of  bombaft  and 
felf-confidence,  threatened  deftruction  and  ven- 
geance to  any  who  fhould  have  hardihood 
enough,  to  endeavour  to  ftop  his  progrefs,  or 
to  oppofe  the  authority  under  which  he  acted. 

But  notwithftancling  the  general  wayward 
appearance  of  the  affairs  of  the  United  States, 
the  legillatures  as  we  fhall  fee,  loft  not  their 
magnanimity,  the  people  their  ardor,  nor  the 
army  their  valor.  Not  difheartened  by  the 
circumflances  of  the  late  action  at  the  Brandy- 
wine,  or  the  lofs  of  Philadelphia,  general  Wafh- 
ington  with  his  brave  troops,  in  rfumbers  com- 
paratively inconfiderable,  kept  the  Britim  army 
in  play,  unti1  the  fetting  in  of  winter.  Within 
a  few  days  after  the  furrcnder  of  Philadelphia, 


382  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

the  Americans  attacked  the  royal  camp  at  Ger- 
mantown,  fituated  about  fix  miles  from  the 
city,  where  the  main  body  of  the  Britifh  army 
had  taken  their  ftand. 


This  was  a  very  unexpected  manoeuvre. 
The  attempt  was  bold,  and  the  defence  brave. 
The  Americans  for  a  time,  feemed  to  have 
greatly  the  advantage  ;  but  the  enterprife  final- 
ly failed.  They  were  obliged  to  retreat  in 
great  confufion,  after  the  heavy  lofs  of  many 
officers  and  men.  The  difappointment  of  the 
Americans,  was  in  confequence  of  the  addrefs 
and  ability  of  colonel  Mufgrove,  who  judiciouf- 
ly  'ftood  on  the  defenfive,  and  checked  the  pro- 
grefs  of  the  continental  troops,  until  general 
Grey  and  brigadier  general  Agnew,  with  a  large 
detachment,  came  to  his  relief.  A  warm,  but 
fhort  action  enfued  :  when  the  Americans  were 
totally  routed,  and  driven  out  of  the  field  of 
action. 

General  Lee,  who  had  not  the  higheft  opin- 
ion* of  general  Waihington's  military  abilities, 
obferved  on  this  occaiion,  "  that  by  a  {ingle 
"  ftroke  of  the  bathos,  the  partial  victory  at  Ger- 
"  mantown  was  corrupted  into  a  defeat."* 
'This  was  however,  too  fevere  a  cenfure. 
A  number  o*f  circumftances  co-operated  to  blaft 
the  hopes  of  the  Americans,  after  the  early 

*  General  Lee's  letters. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  386 

promife  of  fucccfs.      The  Britons   themfelves    CHAP.  x. 

have  given  teftimony  to  the  bravery  and  good  ~   :i 

conduct  of  Wafhington  and  his  army  on  this 

occafion.     One   of  their  writers  has   attefted, 

"  in  this  action  the  Americans  acted  upon  the 

"  offenfive ;    and    though  repulfed   with   lofs, 

"  fhewed  themfelves    a  formidable  adverfary, 

"  capable  of  charging  with  refolution,  and  re- 

"  treating  with  order.     The  hope  therefore  en- 

"  tertained  from  the  effect  of  any  fair   action 

"  with  them,  as  decifive,  and  likely  to  put  a 

"  fpeedy  termination  to  the  war,  was  exceed- 

"  ingly  abated." 

The  higheft  expectation  had  been  formed  on 
the  reduction  of  Philadelphia,  both  by  the  fo- 
reign and  internal  foes  of  America.  Though 
both  armies  were  fired  with  equal  ardor,  and 
on  all  occafions  were  equally  ready  for  action, 
yet  the  repeated  fkirmiflies  for  feveral  w^eeks 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city,  were  not  pro- 
ductive of  any  very  important  confequences, 
except  the  lofs  of  many  brave  men,  and  feveral 
officers  of  great  merit.  None  of  thcfe  were 
more  diftinguifhed  and  lamented,  than  general 
Nafh  on  the  American  fide,  and  brigadier  gen- 
eral Agnew  and  colonel  Bird  of  the  Britifh  line, 
who  loft  their  lives  in  the  battle  of  German- 
town. 

It  was  very  important  to  the  Britifh  com- 
mander after  the  above  tranfactions,  to  open  a 


384  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  x.  free  paffage  to  Philadelphia  by  the  Delaware,  in 
""  ~  order  to  obtain  fupplies  of  provifions  by  water 
for  their  army.  This  was  impeded  by  the 
American  {hipping,  and  by  feveral  ftrong  pofts 
held  by  the  Americans  on  the  river  ;  the  prin- 
cipal of  which  was  Red  Bank.  Here  they  had 
an  opportunity  of  retrieving  the  recent  difgrace 
of  their  arms  at  Germantown.  The  Heilians 
under  the  command  of  colonel  Donop,  had  the 
principal  hand  in  this  bufinefs.  He  croffed  the 
Delaware  with  fifteen  hundred  men,  at  Coo- 
per's ferry  oppofite  Philadelphia,  and  marched 
to  attack  the  redoubts  at  Red  Bank. 

A  cannonade  was  opened  :  the  camp  was  at- 
tacked with  fpirit,  and  defended  with  equal 
gallantry  by  colonel  Greene  of  Rhode  Ifland  ; 
who  replied  to  the  fummons  of  count  Donop 
to  fur  render,  "  that  he  mould  defend  the  place 
"  to  the  laft  extremity."  On  this,  the  HefTians 
attempted  to  ftorm  the  redoubts  ;  but  the  af- 
failants  were  obliged  to  retreat  in  their  turn. 
One  Heffian  brigade  was  nearly  cut  to  pieces 
in  the  action,  and  count  Donop  mortally 
wounded  and  taken  prifoner,  as  were  'feveral 
other  officers  of  confideration.  The  remainder 
retreated  with  great  precipitation  through  the 
night,  leaving  one  half  of  their  party  dead, 
wounded,  or  prifoners  to  the  Americans  ;  croff- 
ed the  river  the  next  morning ;  arid  in  this 
mortified  fituation,  the  remnant  who  efcaped 
entered  Philadelphia.  This  important  pafs  was 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION*  385 

a  key  to  the  other  pofts  on  the  river  ;  and  for    CHAP,  x 
its  brave  defence  the  officers   and  foldiers  were 
juftly  applauded,  and  colonel   Greene  compli- 
mented by  congrefs,  with  a  prefent  of  an  ele- 
gant fword. 

After  the  action  at  Red  Bank,  the  vigilance 
and  caution  of  general  Washington  could  not 
be  overcome  by  the  valor  and  advantages  of  his 
foes,  fo  far  as  to  induce  him  to  hazard  any  ac- 
tion of  confequence.*  The  deiign  of  opening 
the  Delaware,  was  now  the  principal  object 
with  the  Britifh  commander.  l*his  was  effect- 
ed without  much  difficulty,  after  the  reduction 
of  Mud  Ifland.  From  this  flrong  poft,  the 
Amerkans  were  obliged  to  retreat,  after  a  very 
manly  refiftance.  They  did  not  evacuate  their 
v/orks  until  reduced  to  defpair,  by  fome  Brit- 
ifh fhips  advantageoufly  playing  upon  them. 
From  the  very  fuperior  advantages  of  their  en- 
emies in  many  refpects,  they  were  induced  to 
fet  fire  to  every  thing  within  reach  ;  and  after 


*  For  this  general  Wafhington  was  very  feverely  cenfu- 
red  by  fome  ;  and  even  the  legiflature  of  the  ilate  of 
Pennfylvania  remonftrated  to  congref^  and  exprefled 
their  uneafme.fs,  that  the  American  commander  fhould 
leave  the  capital  in  poffefllon  of  the  enemy,  and  retire  to 
winter-quarters.  But  his  little  army  deftitute  of  every 
neceflary,  without  the  poilibility  of  a  fupply  at  that  feafon, 
was  a  fufficient  apology. 

VQJU   I-  3.... A 


386  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHA?.*.  great  flaughter  they  abandoned  a  place,  which 
had  already  coft  them  too  much  in  its  de- 
fence.* 

In  the  ftruggle  to  open  the  Delaware,  the 
Augufta  and  the  Merlin  on  the  part  of  Britain, 
were  loft ;  but  the  lofles  of  the  Americans 
were  far  beyond  thofe  of  the  Britifh.  The 
Delaware  frigate  and  fome  others  were  captu- 
red, and  feveral  mips  burnt  by  themfelves,  to 
prevent  their  falling  into  the  hands  of  their  en- 
emies. 

Nothing  more  decided  than  the  above  tranf- 
aftions  took  place  this  feafon.  The  Delaware 
river  thus  cleared,  and  eligible  winter-quarters 
fecured  for  the  king's  troops,  and  the  cold  fea- 
fon faft  advancing,  general  Howe  gave  up  the 
purfuit  of  the  cautious  and  wary  Wafhington. 
He  found  it  impoflible  with  all  his  efforts  to 
bring  him  to  another  general  aftion,  while  his 
own  judgment,  and  that  of  the  moft  judicious 
of  his  officers,  forbade  it,  and  common  prudence 
dictated  the  probable  difadvantages  of  fuch  a 
movement.  His  numbers  were  too  fmall,  and 


*  The  writer  of  this  work  does  not  aim  at  a  particular 
defcription  or  detail  of  all  the  engagements,  battles,  and 
rencounters,  between  the  two  contending  armies.  A  gen- 
eral fketch  of  the  moft  material  military  movements, 
completes  her  defign  ;  the  primary  object  of  which,  is  not 
a  dry  narrative  of  military  havoc. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  S87 

the  wants  of  the   army  too  many,  to  hazard    CHAP.  *. 
any  thing.     The  moft  guarded  and  prudent  de-         ~^~~ 
fence  was  the  only  line  of  conduct  left  to  the 
American  commander. 

Thefe  circumftances  induced  general  Howe, 
about  the  middle  of  December,  to  draw  the 
main  body  of  his  army  into  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia. They  were  indeed  unable  longer  to 
keep  the  field,  being  very  deftitute  of  tents  and 
other  epuipage  neceflary  for  the  army  in  a  cold 
climate,  at  this  inclement  feafon. 

Thus  after  the  proud  vaunts  of  victory  and 
conqueft,  and  the  lofs  of  many  gallant  officers 
and  brave  men,  the  Britifh  commander  had  lit- 
tle to  boaft  at  the  conclufion  of  the  campaign, 
but  the  pofleffion  of  a  city  abandoned  by  the  beft 
of  its  inhabitants,  and  the  command  of  the  ad- 
jacent country,  circumfcribed  within  the  nar- 
row limits  of  twenty  miles.  This  was  but  a 
fmall  cornpenfation  for  the  wafte  of  life  and 
treafure.  It  was  a  gloomy  picture  of  the  ter- 
mination of  a  campaign,  for  fir  William  Howe 
to  convey  to  his  matter  and  to  his  countrymen, 
after  the  exultation  for  fome  partial  fuccefles 
had  flattered  them  with  the  higheft  hopes  of 
fpeedy  and  complete  victory.  Yet,  notwith- 
ftanding  thefe  vauntings  over  a  people,  among 
whom  there  did  not  yet  appear  a  probability  of 
complete  fubjugation  by  the  fword,  nor  the 
imalleft  traces  of  a  difpofition  among  the  peo- 


388  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  x.  pie  of  America,  to  yield  obedience  to  the  laws 
and  requifitions,  which  the  government  of 
Great  Britain  were  attempting  thus  to  enforce 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 

After  fir  William  Howe  had  retired  and  ta- 
ken winter-quarters  in  the  city,  a  novel  fcene, 
coniidering  the  weaknefs  of  the  continental  ar- 
my, was  exhibited  without.  To  the  furprife 
and  wonder  of  their  foes,  and  to  the  admira- 
tion of  all  mankind  acquainted  with  the  cir- 
cumilances,  the  Americans,  nearly  deilitute  of 
tents,  poorly  fupplied  with  proviiions,  almoft 
without  flioes,  ftockings,  blankets,  or  other 
clothing,  cheerfully  erected  thernfelves  huts  of 
timber  and  brulh,  and  encamped  for  the  win- 
ter, at  a  place  called  Valley-Forge,  within  twen- 
ty-five miles  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  Thus 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  a  powerful  Britifh  ar- 
my, fearlefs  of  its  numbers  and  ftrength,  a 
ftriking  proof  of  their  intrepidity  in  fuffering, 
and  their  defiance  of  danger,  was  exhibited 
by  a  kind  of  challenge  bidden  to  their  enemies, 
not  very  ufual  in  fimilar  fituations.  The  com- 
mander in  chief,  and  feveral  of  the  principal  of- 
ficers of  tne  American  army,  in  defiance  of  dan- 
ger, either  to  themfelves  or  to  fuch  tender  con- 
nexions, fent  for  their  ladies  from  the  different 
ftates  to  which  they  belonged,  to  pais  the  re- 
mainder of  the  wint er,  and  by  their  prefence 
to  enliven  the  gloomy  appearance  of  a  hutted 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  389 

village  in  the  woods,  inhabited  only  by  an  him-    CHAP.  x. 
gry  and  half-naked  foldiery.* 

t 

The  refolution  and  patience  of  thk  little  ar- 
my furmounted  every  difficulty.  They  waited 
long,  amidft  penury,  hunger,  and  cold,  for  the 
neceifary  fupplies,  which  in  fpite  of  the  utmoft 
exertions  of  the  feveral  ftates,  came  in  but  too 
ilowly.  Such  was  the  deficiency  of  horfes  and 
waggons,  for  the  ordinary  as  well  as  extraordi- 
nary occalions  of  the  army,  that  the  men  in 
many  inftances,  cheerfully  yoked  themfelves  to 
little  carriages  of  their  own  conftruclion  :  oth- 
ers loaded  the  wood  and  proviiions  on  their 
backs  for  prefent  fupply,  in  their  extreme  ne- 
ceffity.  General  Wamington  informed  a  com- 
mittee fent  from  congrefs  to  inquire  into  the 
ftate  of  the  army,  that  fome  brigades  had  been 
fome  days  without  meat,  and  that  the  common 
foldiers  had  frequently  been  at  his  quarters,  to 
make  known  their  diftreffes.  Unprovided 
with  materials  to  raife  their  cold  lodgment 
from  the  ground,  the  dampnefs  of  the  fitua- 
tion,  and  the  wet  earth  on  which  they  lay,  oc- 
caiioned  ficknefs  and  mortality  to  rage  among 
them  to  an  aftonifhing  degree  : — "  Indeed, 
"  nothing  could,  furpafs  their  fuffering,  except 

*  >s  othing  but  the  inexperience  of  the  American  ladies, 
and  their  confidence  in  the  judgment  of  their  hufbands, 
could  jnftify  this  hazard  to  their  perfons,  and  to  their  feel- 
ings of  delicacy. 


S90  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHA    P.X.     "  the  patience  and  fortitude  with  which  it  was 
endured  by  the  faithful  part  of  the  army. 
Thofe   of  a   diffi 
great  numbers." * 


"  Thofe   of  a   different   character  deferted  in 


In  this  weak  and  dangerous  iltuation,  the 
American  army  continued  encamped  at  Valley. 
Forge,  from  December  till  May ;  while  the 
Britiih  troops  in  high  health  and  fpirits,  lay  in 
Philadelphia,  without  once  attempting  to  mo- 
left  them.  For  this  want  of  vigor  and  enter- 
prife,  general  Howe  was  fever ely  and  juftly  cen- 
fured  in  Britain,  blamed  by  thofe  interefted  in 
his  fuccefs  in  America,  and  ridiculed  by  the  im- 
partial obferver  in  every  quarter.  By  his  neg- 
ligence this  winter,  he  again  undoubtedly  loft 
the  faireft  opportunity  of  executing  the  defigns 
of  his  mafter^  and  acquiring  to  himfelf  much 
military  fame.  But  by  wafting  his  time  in  ef- 
feminate and  repreheniible  pleafures,  he  funk 
his  character  as  an  officer  ;  and  few  fcrupled  to 
affert,  that  the  man  of  honor  and  valor  was  loft 
for  a  time,  in  the  arms  of  a  handfome  adulterefs. 
Many  of  his  officers  followed  his  example,  and 
abandoned  themfelves  to  idlenefs  and  debauch- 
ery ;  while  the  foldiers  were  left  to  indulge 

their  own  licentious  habits. 

t 

At  this  period,  though  not  attacked  by  a  fo- 
reign foe,  the  fituation  of  the  American  com- 
mander in  chief  was  really  not  very  enviable. 

*  See  a  letter  from  the  committee  fent  fr.om   congrefs. 
to  Mr.  Laurens  the  prefident. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  391 

It  required  the  utmoft  prudence  and  addrefs,  CHAP.*. 
to  keep  together  the  appearance  of  an  army, 
under  the  complicated  miferies  they  muft  feel,  ~ 
in  the  depth  of  winter,  hungry  and  barefooted, 
whofe  fatiguing,  circuitous  marches  over  the 
fnowy  path,  had  been  marked  by  their  bleed- 
ing feet,  before  they,  in  fuch  a  deftitute  pre- 
dicament, pitched  their  tents  in  the  valley. 
The  dilatory  fpirit  of  fome,  and  the  peculating 
difpolitions  of  other  officers  in-  the  various  pub- 
lic departments,  increafed  every  difficulty  with 
regard  to  clothing  and  fubfiftence.  The  de- 
plorable ftate  of  the  fick,  the  corrupt  conduct 
in  fome  of  the  hofpitals,  the  want  of  difcipline 
among  the  foldiers,  the  inexperience  of  officers, 
the  flownefs  of  recruits,  and  the  diminution  of 
the  old  army  from  various  caufes,  were  cir- 
cumftances  difcouraging  indeed ;  and  might 
have  been  confidered,  if  not  a  balance,  at  leaft 
a  weight  in  the  fcale,  againft  the  advantages 
and  the  pride  of  high  ftation.  Yet  thefe  were 
not  all  the  embarramnents  which  the  com- 
mander in  chief  had  to  encounter  ; — general 
Wafhington  had  his  perfonal  enemies  to  com- 
bat :  nor  was  he  without  his  rivals  for  power 
and  fame.* 

*  Both  the  conduct  and  letters  of  general  Lee,  had  in 
feveral  inftances  confirmed  the  opinion,  that  he  was  am- 
bitious of  obtaining  the  chief  command  of  the  army  of  the 
United  States ;  and  doubtlefs  he  had  a  party  that  for  a 
ihort  time  flattered  thefe  expectations.  At  this  time  in- 
deed he  was  a  prifoner,  but  his  correfpondencies  were  ex- 
tent ve. 


392  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS     OF 

CHAP.  x.  In  all  communities  there   are   fome   reftlefs 

minds,  who  create  jealoufi.es  and  foment  divi- 
fions,  that  often  injure  the  beft  caufe,  and  the 
moft  unimpeachable  character  :  and  it  may  be 
obferved,  that  there  is  ever  a  fpirit  of  intrigue 
and  circumvention,  that  runs  parallel  with  the 
paflions  of  men.  Thus  the  fortune  of  war  is 
frequently  changed  by  dangerous  emulations, 
and  the  beft  fyftems  of  focial  and  political  hap- 
pinefs  overthrown,  by  the  envy  and  refentment 
of  little  minds.,  or  the  boundlefs  ambition  of 
more  exalted  fouls.  Nor  was  it  many  years, 
before  America  difcovered  me  had  in  her  bo- 
fom,  her  Cxfars  and  her  Catilines,  as  well  as 
her  Brutuses  and  her  Catos. 

Many  perfons  were  difgufted  with  the  dictato- 
rial powers  vefted  in  general  Wafhington,  af- 
ter the  action  at  Trenton,  which  they  alleged 
were  at  his  own  requeft.  Thefe  were  ample 
indeed.  He  was  empowered  by  congrefs 
"  to  reform  and  new  model  the  military  ar- 
"  rangements,  in  fuch  manner  as  he  judged 
"  beft  for  the  public  fervice."  He  was  alfo 
vefted  with  feveral  other  difcretionary  powers.* 
Congrefs  had  indeed  limited  his  power  to  fix 
months  ;  but  exigencies  of  the  higheft  necef- 
fity,  had  urged  him  fometimes  to  exercife  it 
in  a  manner  .too  arbitrary  for  the  principles 
and  difpofitions  of  Americans,  unufed  to  the 

*  See  refolves  of  congrefs. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  393 

impreimierit  of  their  property  for  the  ufe  of   CHAP  x. 

armies. 

1777. 

In  this  ftate  of  affairs,  the  commander  was 
attacked  by  anonymous  letters,  fictitious  ligna- 
tures,  and  incendiary  fuggeftions  :  he  was  cen- 
fured  for  his  cool  operations,  dereniive  move- 
ments, and  Fabian  flownefs.  Difadvantageous 
impreffions  were  made  on  the  minds  of  fome, 
and  others  were  led  to  believe,  that  general 
Waihington  was  not  without  his  weaknefles 
and  his  foibles.  It  was  obferved  by  one  of 
his  principal  officers  :* — "  That  decifion  is' 
"  often  wanting  in  minds  otherways  valua- 
"  ble  : — That  an  indeciiive  mind  in  a  com- 
"  mander,  is  one  of  the  greateft  misfortunes 
"  that  could  befal  an  army  : — That  he  had  often 
"  lamented  this  circumftance  through  the  cam- 
"  paign  : — That  they  were  in  a  very  awful  fitu- 
"  ation,  in  an  alarming  ftate,  that  required  the 
"  utmoft  wifdom  and  firmnefs  of  mind." 

A  wifh  at  this  time  undoubtedly  prevailed, 
among  fome  diftinguimed  characters,!  for  a  fu- 

*  See  a  letter  from  general  Reed  to  general  Lee,  after- 
wards published. 

f  Samuel  Adams  of  Bofton,  general  Mifflin,  and  feve* 
ral  other  chan*5lers  of  diltincHon,  were  fufpedled  of  un* 
friendly  (Hefigns  towards  the  commander  in  chief.  But 


394?  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  x.  percedence  of  his  command  :  but  Wafhington, 
cool,  cautious,  and  more  popular  than  any  man, 
his  good  genius  was  ever  at  hand  to  preferve 
his  character  invulnerable  :  yet,  feveral  circum- 
flances  confirmed  the  opinion,  that  even  fome 
members  of  congrefs  at  this  period,  were  in- 
triguing for  his  removal.  It  might  indeed  at 
this  time,  have  had  a  fatal  effect  on  American 
affairs,  had  general  Wafhington  fallen  beneath 


there  never  were  fufficient  grounds  to  fuppofe,  that  Mr. 
Adams  ever  harbored  any  difaffeftion  to  the  perfon  of 
general  Walhington  :  on  the  contrary,  he  refpe&ed  and 
efteemed  his  character,  and  loved  the  man.  But  zealous 
and  ardent  in  the  defence  of  his  injured  country,  he  was 
ftartled  at  every  thing  that  appeared  to  retard  the  opera- 
tions of  war,  or  impede  the  fuccefs  of  the  revolution  ;  a 
revolution  for  which  pofterity  is  as  much  indebted  to  the 
talents  and  exertions  of  Mr.  Adams,  as  to  thofe  of  any- 
one in  the  United  States. 

General  Mifllin  was  a  young  gentleman  of  a  warm  and 
(anguine  difpofition.  Aftive  and  zealous,  he  engaged 
early  in  oppofition  to  the  meafures  of  the  Britifh  parlia- 
ment. He  took  arms,  and  was  among  the  firft  officers 
commiflioned,  on  the  organization  of  a  continental  army. 
For  this  he  was  read  out  of  the  fociety  of  quakers,  to 
which  himfelf  and  his  family  had  belonged.  But  Mr. 
Mifflin's  principles  led  him  to  corifider  himfelf  under  a 
moral  obligation,  to  acl  offensively  as  well  .as  defenfively, 
and  vigoroufly  to  oppofe  the  enemies  of  his  country ;  and 
from  his  character  and  principles,  he  undoubtedly  wifhed 
to  fee  a  commander  in  chief  of  the  united  armies,  who 
would  admit  of  no  delay  in  the  acceleration  of  the  object 
in  which  they  were  engaged. 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  395 

a  popular  difguft,  or  the  intrigues  of  his    en- 

einies- 

Perhaps  few  other  men  could  have  kept 
together  the  fhadow  of  an  army,  under 
fuch  a  combination  of  difficulties  as  the 
young  republic  had  to  encounter,  both  in 
the  field  and  the  cabinet.  Many  men  of  a 
more  active  and  enterpriling  fpirit,  might 
have  put  a  period  to  the  war  in  a  fhorter  fpace 
of  time  ;  yet  perhaps  not  ultimately  fo  much  in 
favor  of  America,  as  the  flow,  defenfive  move- 
ments of  the  officer  then  veiled  with  the  chief 
command. 

This  line  of  conduct  was  thought  by  fome, 
to  be  not  fo  much  owing  to  his  fuperior  faga- 
city  and  penetration,  as  to  a  conftitutional  want 
of  ardency,  at  times  when  energy  appeared 
moft  neceffary  to  many  perfons.  A  predilection 
in  favor  of  a  connexion  with  Britain,  feemed 
united  with  this  difpofition.  It  had  appeared 
clearly  by  many  circumftances  in  converfation 
with  his  confidential  friends,  that  he  was  not 
in  the  beginning  of  oppofition,  fond  of  a  final 
ieparation  from  the  parent  Rate  ;  and  that  he 
wilhed  to  move  defenfively,  until  fome  events 
might  take  place,  that  would  bring  back,  and 
with  honor  and  dignity  re-unite,  the  revolted 
colonies  to  the  bofom  of  their  ancient  parent.* 

*  In  the  early  period    of  the    war,  many  very  worthy 
characters  oppofed  to  the   Britiih  fyftem,  befides  general 


396  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

But  the  public  opinion  always  in  his  favor, 


.  with  a  happy  talent  to  fecure  the  confidence  of 

the  people,  he  commanded  in  a  remarkable 
manner,  their  affections,  their  refources,  and 
their  attachment,  to  the  end  of  the  war  ;  and 
had  the  good  fortune  to  parry  every  charge 
brought  againft  him,  with  the  firmnefs  of  the 
foldier,  though  not  without  the  fenfibility  of 
the  man  who  found  his  reputation  at  ftake. 
He  complained  heavily  to  his  private  friends,  yet 
took  no  public  notice  of  the  vague  imputations  of 
{lander,  that  fell  from  the  pen  of  a  French  offi- 
cer of  diftinction,  under  the  fignature  of  De 
Lifle. 

Thefe  letters  were  fraught  with  the  moft  fe- 
vere  ftrictures  on  the  general's  military  charac- 
ter and  abilities.  Some  other  letters  in  the 
fame  ftyle  and  manner,  without  a  name,  were 
directed  to  gentlemen  of  character  and  conlid- 
eration  in  feveral  of  the  ftates.  Some  addrefied 
to  Patrick  Henry,  the  governor  of  the  ftate  of 
Virginia,  he  immediately  tranfmitted  to  con- 
grefs,  and  to  the  general  himfelf.  However 
boldly  fome  of  the  charges  were  urged,  they 

Wafhington,  wifhed  for  a  reconciliation  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, if  it  could  be  procured  confidently  with  honor,  and 
with  fufficient  pledges  of  fecurity  to  the  juft  claims  of  the 
colonies,  rather  than  an  irrevocable  1'eparation.  But 
time  convinced  all,  that  nothing  but  independence,  and  a 
total  difmernberjnent,  could  fecure  the  liberties  of  the 
United  States, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  397 

made  little  imprefllon  on  the  public  mind  :  the    CHAP.  *. 
tranfient  tale  of  the  day  paiTed  as  the  pathlefs        ~ 
arrow,  without   leaving   a   trace  behind.     His 
enemies  flirunk  from  the  charge  ;  and  general 
Washington,  by  the  current  of  applaufe  that  al- 
ways fet  in  his  favor,  became  more  than  ever 
the  idolof  the  army  and  the  people. 

General  Conway,  the  reputed  author  of  the 
letters  iigned  De  Lifle,  was  a  gentleman  of  great 
military  talents  and  experience,  with  an  ambi- 
tion equal  to  his  abilities.  He  had  left  France 
with  high  expectations  of  rank  in  the  fervice 
of  the  United  States.  Not  fatisfied  with  the 
appointment  of  infpector  general  of  the  Amer- 
ican army,  his  pride  wounded,  and  difappoint- 
ed  that  he  did  not  fuftain  a  higher  grade  in  of- 
fice, which  he  had  been  led  to  flatter  himfelf 
with  before  he  left  his  country,  and  difgufted 
by  the  fuipicions  that  fell  upon  him  after  the 
publication  of  De  Lifle's  letters,  he  refigned  his 
commiflion,  and  returned  to  Europe. 

Conway  was  not  the  only  officer  of  his  coun- 
try, that  fuffered  fimilar  mortifications.  The 
credulity  of  men  of  talents,  family,  and  merit, 
had  been  impofed  on  by  the  indifcretion  of 
one*  of  the  American  agents,  and  their  imagi- 
nations fired  by  ideas  of  rank  and  preferment 
in  America,  to  which  no  foreigner  was  entitled. 

*  Silus  Deane,  the  firfl;  agent  font  by  congrds  to  France. 


398  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

CHAP.  x.  Thus,  chagrined  from  the  fame  caufe,  it  was 
thought  the  valiant  Coudray,  an  officer  of  dif- 
tinguiflied  name  and  merit,  who  was  a  briga- 
dier general  and  chief  engineer  in  the  French 
fervice,  leaped  voluntarily  to  his  watery  grave. 
His  death  indeed,,  was  attributed  to  the  fleet- 
nefs  of  his  horfe,  which  it  was  faid  he  could 
not  command.  Having  occafion  to  crofs  the 
Schuylkill,  in  company  with  fome  other  offi- 
cers, he  entered  a  boat  on  horfeback.  The  ca- 
reer was  fwift ;  the  cataftrophe  fatal :  he  leap- 
ed in  on  one  fide  of  the  boat,  and  with  equal 
celerity,  out  on  the  other.  Thus  both  horfe 
and  rider  were  irretrievably  loft.  Coudray  was 
beloved  and  lamented  by  all  who  knew  him  : 
and  the  lofs  of  Conway  was  regretted  by  many 
who  efteemed  him  for  his  literary  abilities,  and 
his  military  talents. 

The  important  office  of  infpe&or  general  re- 
linquifhed  from  neceffity  by  general  Conway, 
was  immediately  conferred  on  the  baron  de 
Steuben,  an  officer  with  the  bed  credentials, 
who  had  recently  arrived  from  Germany.  The 
effential  fervices  of  this  celebrated  difciplinarian, 
were  in  a  very  fhort  time  felt  throughout  the 
army.  New  regulations  took  place,  and  new 
arrangements  were  made  in  the  hofpitals,  in  the 
commiflary's,  the  quarter-mailer's,  and  other 
departments,  which  had  been  mamefully  abu- 
fed,  not  from  a  want  of  capacity  or  integrity 
in  the  preceding  infpedors,  but  from  the  igno- 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  399 

ranee,  inexperience,  or  peculation  of  many  of 
the  fubordinate  officers.  From  the  date  of  the 
baron's  advancement,  a  more  thorough  knowl- 
edge of  tatties  was  acquired  by  the  officers  ; 
more  fyftem,  difcipline,  and  order  appeared  in 
the  army ;  more  equitable  and  permanent  reg- 
ulations, and  a  ftricter  adherence  to  the  rules 
and  laws  of  war,  took  place,  than  had  been  ob- 
ferved  at  any  period  before.  The  merits  of  this 
officer,  univerfally  acknowledged,  were  after- 
wards generoufly  rewarded  by  the  congrefs  of 
the  United  States. 

It  may  not  however  be  improper  to  obferve, 
before  we  pafs  on  to  the  fubfequent  circum- 
ftances  of  the  war,  that  though  the  baron  de 
Steuben  had  been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  in- 
fpeclor  general,  by  the  approbation  of  congrefs 
and  the  army,  yet  general  Conway  had  a  con- 
iiderable  party  attached  to  him,  among  the 
military  officers.  Many  perfons  thought  that 
his  difmifTal  from  office,  and  permiffion  to  re- 
turn to  France,  under  the  degradation  of  char- 
acter which  fell  upon  him,  without  any  fpeci- 
fied  charges  of  delinquency  in  office,  or  any 
folid  proofs  that  he  really  had  been  the  author 
of  the  anonymous  reproaches  thrown  on  the 
character  of  general  Wafhington,  was  at  once 
affrontive  both  to  himfeif  and  his  nation. 
Thefe  ideas  are  more  clearly  exhibited  in  a 


40O  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS    OF 

fketch   of   the    life    of    Conway,  by    another 

hand-* 

We  fhall  only  further  obferve,  that  the 
French  nation  was  not  difpofed  to  refent  indi- 
vidual flights,  or  even  public  neglects,  at  this 
interefting  period  :  a  nation  who  viewed  the 
refiftance  of  the  American  colonies  to  the  over- 
bearing power  of  Britain,  on  a  broad  fcale. 
They  confidered  their  oppofition,  if  fuccefsful, 
as  at  once  redounding  to  their  own  intereft, 
and  to  the  promotion  of  the  liberties  of  man- 
kind in  general. 

It  had  for  many  years  been  a  primary  object: 
with  the  houfe  of  Bourbon,  to  humble  the 
pride  and  power  of  Britain.  No  contingencies 
that  had  arifen  among  the  nations  for  near  a 
century,  appeared  fo  likely  to  produce  this  ef- 
fect, as  an  alienation  from,  and  a  total  lofs  of 
their  colonies.  This  confideration  heightened 
the  natural  ardor,  and  quickened  the  conftitu- 
tional  energies  of  every  Frenchman,  to  lend  his 
hand  to  the  work.  Their  charafteriftic  impet- 
uoiity  always  appeared  confpicuous  in  politics 
and  war,  as  well  as  in  the  intrigues  of  love  and 
gallantry.  They  were  ever  reftlefs  under  any 
appearance  of  flownefs  that  might  retard  the 
execution  of  their  object :  but  the  critical  lit* 

*  See  Appendix,  Note  No.  XX, 


THE    AMERICAN    REVOLUTION.  401 

uation  of  the  American  army  at  this  period, 
rendered  an  attempt  to  leflen  the  influence  and 
the  character  of  the  commander  in  chief,  dan- 
gerous and  inexcufable. 

Notwithftanding  the  freedom  of  opinion, 
and  the  licenfe  of  the  prefs,  which  fhould  nev* 
er  be  too  much  reftrained  in  a  free  country, 
there  are  times  and  circumftances  which  re- 
quire filence  ;  and  however  difpofed  any  one 
might  be  to  cenfure  the  conduct  of  general 
Wafhington,  either  for  the  want  of  enterprife, 
alacrity,  or  military  {kill,  yet  perhaps  no  man 
in  the  United  States,  under  the  preffure  of  fo 
many  difficulties,  would  have  conducted  with 
more  difcretion  and  judgment. 

If  there  was  any  error  in  the  difmiiTal  of  gen- 
eral Conway,  it  might  be  in  not  obferving  a 
due  degree  of  delicacy,  or  furnilhing  any  tefti- 
monials  of  his  having  acquitted  himfelf  well  in 
his  military  capacity,  a  point  on  which  all  in 
that  line  are  very  tenacious.  The  difplacing 
of  a  ilngle  officer  of  any  rank,  is  not  fufficiently 
important  to  dwell  upon  long  ;  and  the  apolo- 
gy for  having  done  it  at  all,  mufl  be  the  dan- 
ger at  this  time,  of  difgufling  a  foreign  corps 
belonging  to  a  court  whofe  affiftance  was  necef- 
iary,  and  whole  aid  had  been  courted,  though 
their  faith  was  not  yet  abfolutely  pledged  to 
promote  the  emancipation  of  the  United  States. 

VOL.   I.  2....C 


402  THE    RISE    AND    PROGRESS,    &C. 

France  however,  was  looking  with  too  eager 
and  fteady  an  eye,  on  the  operations  and  fuc- 
cefs  of  the  reliftance  of  the  colonies,  to  the 
meafures  and  mandates  of  the  crown  and  par- 
liament of  England,  to  be  moved  by  any  par- 
tial conliderations,  from  the  line  of  political 
conduct  which  they  had  adopted.  This  was  to 
embrace  the  firft  favorable  opportunity,  when 
contingent  circumftances  might  promife  fuc- 
cefs,  to  fupport  the  claim  of  independence,  and 
render  the  breach  complete  and  durable,  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain ; 
and  thereby  deprive  that  rival  nation  of  the 
immenfe  advantages  they  had  already  reaped, 
and  might  again  recover  by  a  revival  and  con- 
tinuance of  the  connexion. 

That  part  of  the  American  army  immediate- 
ly under  the  command  of  general  Wafhington, 
muft  now  be  left  encamped  at  Valley-Forge  for 
the  winter.  Their  iituation  impels  the  mind 
to  throw  over  them  that  veil  of  compaflion, 
which  a  feafon  of  perplexity,  though  not  of  ab- 
folute  defpair,  requires.  We  muft  now  look 
over,  and  furvey  with  an  anxious  eye,  and  in 
the  fucceeding  pages  view  the  humiliating 
events,  which  for  a  time,  attended  the  fortune 
of  war  in  the  northern  department ;  and  trace 
the  footfteps  of  the  ibldier,  through  the  forlorn 
defert,  which  was  ultimately  the  path  to  victory 
and  glory. 

END  OF  VOL.  I. 


APPENDIX 

TO  VOLUME  FIRST. 


NOTE  NO.  I.      Page  9. 

1  HE  reader's  curiofity  may  be  gratified  by  the  perufal  of 
a  few  particulars  relative  to  the  Plymouth  fettlers,  from 
their  earlieft  memorials.  One  hundred  and  one  perfons  left 
Holland,  all  of  whom  arrived  at  Plymouth  in  the  month  of 
December,  one  thoufand  fix  hundred  and  twenty.  From 
the  fufferings  and  hardfhips  they  fuftained,  more  than  half 
their  number  died  before  the  end  of  March,  one  thoufand 
fix  hundred  and  twenty-one, 

On  the  borders  of  a  forlorn  wildernefs,  without  any  gov- 
ernmental reftrictions,  they  thought  it  neceffary  to  adopt 
fome  meafures  for  order  and  fubordination.  They  volun- 
tarily on  their  arrival  at  Cape  Cod,  entered  into  covenant 
for  this  necefTary  purpofe.  It  was  a  fhort  code,  but  replete 
with  rules  of  equity  and  authority,  fufficient  to  maintain 
peace  among  themfelves,  in  their  infant  ftate.  Forty-one 
perfons  affixed  their  names  to  the  inftrument }  but  at  the 
end  of  four  months,  only  twenty  of  them  were  living, 
Thefe  were,  John  Carver  their  firft  governor,  William 
Bradford  the  fecond,  and  Edward  Winfiow*  the  third,  cap- 
tain Miles  Standifli,  who  had  been  an  experienced  military 

*  Prince's  Chronology,  where  may  be  found  moft  of  the  particulars 
extant,  relative  to  the  firft  fettlers  at  Plymouth. 


4<H  APPENDIX. 

officer  in  the  Netherlands,  Richard  Warren,  eminently  ufe« 
ful  in  the  eftablifhment  of  the  new  colony,*  (he  lived  only  to 
the  year  one  thoufand  fix  hundred  and  twenty-eight,-)-)  John 
Alden,  Samuel  Fuller,  William  Brewfter,  Ifaac  Allerton, 
Stephen  Hopkins,  Gilbert  Winflow,  Peter  Brown,  Richard 
Gardner,  John  Rowland,  Francis  Cook,  John  Billington, 
Francis  Eaton,  Edward  Doty,  George  Soule,  Edward 
Leifter. 

Several  weeks  elapfed  after  their  arrival  at  Plymouth, 
before  they  law  any  of  the  natives.  About  the  middle  of 
March,  an  Indian  chief  named  Samofet  appeared,  and  ab- 
ruptly exclaimed,  "  welcome  Englifh."  This  Indian  had 
formerly  been  a  prifoner  to  fome  Europeans,  and  had  learnt 
a  little  of  their  language.  By  him  they  found  that  a  pefti- 
lence  had  raged  among  the  bordering  nations,  that  had 
fwept  them  all  off  within  the  limits  of  Cape  Cod  and  Brain- 
tree  Bay,  two  or  three  years  before.  This  was  corrobora- 
ted by  the  vaft  number  of  graves,  and  fepulchral  mounds 
and  holes  they  had  obferved,  in  which  the  dead  were  inter- 
red, in  all  the  grounds  they  had  explored.  Samofet  in- 
formed them,  that  MaiTafoit  was  a  neighbouring  chief,  who 
held  jurifdi&ion  over  feveral  other  tribes.  This  induced 
the  Englifh  to  fend  him  a  friendly  meffage  by  Samofet, 
which  was  faithfully  delivered.  The  great  fachem  foon 
came  forward  in  an  amicable  manner,  and  entered  into  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  this  handful  of  flrangers. 

In  the  next  autumn,  an  addition  of  thirty-five  perfons 
from  the  Leyden  congregation,  arrived  at  Cape  Cod. 
They  foon  found  their  allbciates  at  Plymouth,  patient, 
pious,  and  contented,  though  they  could  fet  nothing  on 
their  board  but  a  lobfter?  cold  water,  and  a  fcanty  pittance 

*  Prince's  Chronology. 

t  The  eftares  firft  purchafed  of  the  natives  by  Winflow,  Warren, 
and  Bradford,  remain  in  the  hands  of  their  pofterity  to  this  day  :— r 
Warren  at  Plymouth,  Bradford  at  Duxborough,  and  W inflow  af 
Marflitield, 


APPENDIX.  405 

of  Indian  bread,  for  the  entertainment  of  their  countrymen 
recently  arrived,  to  lhare  with  them  the  difficulties  and  dan- 
gers of  planting  fettlements  in  the  wildernefs,  at  a  vaft  dif- 
tance  from  the  civili/ed  world,  and  furrounded  by  hordes 
of  hoftile  nations  of  terrific  form  and  barbarous  manners.* 


NOTE   NO.  II.      Page  28. 
VIRGINIA  RESOLVES. 

On  the  twenty-ninth  of  May,  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  fixty-five,  the  houfe  of  burgeiTes  of  Vir- 
ginia came  to  the  following  refolutions  : — 

WHEREAS  the  honorable  houfe  of  commons  in  En- 
gland, have  of  late  drawn  into  queftion,  how  far  the  gene- 
ral alfembly  of  this  colony  hath  power  to  enact  laws  for 
laying  taxes  and  impofmg  duties,  payable  by  the  people  of 
this  his  maiefly's  mod  ancient  colony — For  fettling  and  a£ 
certaining  the  fame  to  all  future  times,  the  houfe  of  bur- 
gefles  of  this  prefent  general  afTembly,  have  come  to  the 
feveral  following  refolutions  :— 

Refohed,  That  the  firft  adventurers  and  fettlers  of  this 
his  majefty's  colony  and  dominion  of  Virginia,  brought 
with  them,  and  tranfmitted  to  their  pofterity,  and  all 
others,  his  majefty's  fubjecls  fince  inhabiting  in  this  his 
majefty's  colony,  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  that  have 
at  any  time  been  held,  enjoyed,  and  pofTefTed,  by  the  people 
of  Great  Britain. 

Refofoed,  That  by  the  two  royal  charters  granted  by  king 
James  the  firft,  the  colonifts  aforefaid  are  declared  entitled 
to  all  privileges  of  faithful,  liege,  and  natural  born  fubjefts, 
to  all  intents  and  purpofes,  as  if  they  had  been  abiding  and 
born  within  the  realm  of  England. 

*  NV.v  En«hnd  Menunial. 


40«  APPENDIX. 

Refohed,  That  his  majefty's  liege  people  of  this  his  moft 
ancient  colony,  have  enjoyed  the  right  of  being  thus  gov- 
erned by  their  own  afTembly,  in  the  article  of  taxes  and  in- 
ternal police  ;  and  that  the  fame  have  never  been  forfeited, 
or  any  other  way  yielded  up,  but  have  been  conftantly  re- 
cognized by  the  king  and  people  of  Great  Britain. 

Refohed  therefore.  That  the  general  aflembly  of  the  col- 
ony, together  with  his  majefty  or  his  fubftitute,  have  in 
their  reprefentative  capacity,  the  only  exclufive  right  and 
power,  to  levy  taxes  and  impofitions  upon  the  inhabitants 
of  this  colony ;  and  that  every  attempt  to  veft  fuch  a  power 
in  any  perfon  or  perfons  whatfoever,  other  than  the  general 
a/Terribly  aforefaid,  is  illegal,  unconstitutional,  and  unjuft, 
and  has  a  manifeft  tendency  to  deftroy  Britifh,  as  well  as 
American  freedom. 

The  following  refolves  were  not  parTed,  though 
drawn  up  by  the  committee.  They  are  inferted  as  a 
fpecimen  of  the  firft  and  early  energies  of  the  Old  Do- 
minion, as  Virginia  is  ufually  called. 

Refohed \  That  his  majefty 's  liege  people,  the  inhabitants 
of  this  colony,  are  not  bound  to  yield  obedience  to  any  law 
or  ordinance  whatfoever,  defigned  to  impofe  any  taxation 
whatfoever  upon  them,  other  than  the  laws  and  ordinances 
of  the  general  affembly  aforefaid. 

Refofaed,  That  any  perfon  who  ihall,  by  fpeaking  or 
writing,  maintain  that  any  perfon  or  perfons,  other  than 
the  general  affembly  of  this  colony,  have  any  right  or  pow- 
er, to  impofe  or  lay  any  taxation  whatfoever  on  the  people 
)iere,  fhall  be  deemed  an  enemy  to  this  his  majefty 's  colony. 


NOTE   NO.   III.      Page  30. 

On  the  twenty-firft  of  Oftober,  the  freeholders  and 
mher  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Plymouth  had  a  meet- 


APPENDIX.  407 

ing,  and  unanimoufly  agreed  on  inftruclions  to  Thomas 
Fofter,  Efq.,  their  reprefentative  in  the  general  aflembly 
of  Maflachufetts  Bay.  In  which,  after  exprefling  the 
higheft  efteem  for  the  Britiih  conftitution,  fhewing  how 
far  the  people  of  America  have  exerted  themfelves  in 
fupport  thereof,  and  detailing  their  grievances,  they 
proceed  as  follows  : — 

««  YOU,  fir,  reprefent  a  people  who  are  not  only  defcend- 
"  ed  from  the  firft  fettlers  of  this  country,  but  inhabit  the 
«  very  fpot  they  firft  pofTefled.  Here  was  firft  laid  the 
"  foundation  of  the  Britifii  empire  in  this  part  of  America  ; 
"  which  from  a  very  fmall  beginning,  has  increafed  and 
"  fpread  in  a  manner  very  furprifing,  and  almoft  incredi- 
"  ble ;  efpecially  when  we  confider,  that  all  this  has  been 
"  effected  without  the  aid  or  affiftance  of  any  power  on 
"  earth  ;  that  we  have  defended,  protected,  and  fecured  our- 
"  felves,  againft  the  invafions  and  cruelty  of  favages,  and 
"  the  fubtlety  and  inhumanity  of  our  inveterate  and  natu- 
"  ral  enemies  the  French  :  and  all  this  without  the  appro- 
"  priation  of  any  tax  by  ftamps,  or  (lamp-acts  laid  upon 
"  our  fellow-fubjects  in  any  part  of  the  king's  dominions, 
"  for  defraying  the  expenfes  thereof.  This  place,  fir,  was 
"  at  firft  the  afylum  of  liberty,  and  we  hope  will  ever  be 
"  prefervcd  facred  to  it ;  though  it  was  then  no  more  than 
"  a  forlorn  wildernefs,  inhabited  only  by  favage  men  and 
"  beafts.  To  this  place  our  fathers,  (whofe  memories  be 
"  revered!)  poflefled  of  the  principles  of  liberty  in  their 
"  purity,  difdaining  flavery,  fled,  to  enjoy  thofe  privileges 
*'  which  they  had  an  undoubted  right  to,  but  were  depriv- 
"  ed  of  by  the  hands  of  violence  and  oppreffion  in  their  na- 
"  tive  country.  We,  fir,  their  pofterity,  the  freeholders  and 
"  other  inhabitants  of  this  town,  legally  aflembled  for  that 
"  purpofe,  poffeffed  of  the  fame  fentiments,  and  retaining 
"  the  fame  ardor  for  liberty,  think  it  our  indifpecfable  duty 
«*  on  this  occafion,  to  exprefs  to  you  thefe  our  fentiments  of 
"  the  (lamp-aft,  and  its  fatal  confequences  to  this  country, 
'*  ^nd  to  enjoin  upon  you,  as  you  regard  not  only  the  wel- 


408  APPENDIX. 

"  fare,  but  the  very  being  of  this  people,  that  you,  (confifU 
"  ent  with  our  allegiance  to  the  king,  and  relation  to  the 
"  government  of  Great  Britain,)  difregarding  all  propofals 
"  for  that  purpofe,  exert  all  your  power  and  influence  in  re- 
"  lation  to  the  (lamp-act,  at  lea  ft  until  we  hear  the  fuccefs 
"of our  petitions  for  relief.  We  likewife,  to  avoid  difgra- 
"  cing  the  memories  of  our  anceftors,  as  well  as  the  re- 
"  proaches  of  our  own  confciences,  and  the  curfes  of  pofter- 
"  ity,  recommend  it  to  you  to  obtain,  if  poffible,  in  the  hon- 
"  orable  houfe  of  reprefentatives  of  this  province,  a  full  and 
"  explicit  aiTertion  of  our  rights,  and  to  have  the  fame  en- 
"  tered  on  their  public  records — that  all  generations  yet  to 
"  come  may  be  convinced,  that  we  have  not  only  a  juft 
"  fenfe  of  our  rights  and  liberties,  but  that  we  never  (with 
"  fubmiffion  to  Divine  Providence)  will  be  Haves  to  any 
"  power  on  earth.  And  as  we  have  at  all  times  an  abkor- 
"  rence  of  tumults  and  diforders,  we  think  ourfelves  happy 
"  in  being  at  prefent  under  no  apprehenfions  of  any,  and  in 
"  having  good  and  wholefome  laws,  fufficient  to  preferve 
"  the  peace  of  the  province  in  all  future  times,  unlefs  pro- 
«« voked  by  fome  imprudent  meafure  ;  fo  we  think  it  by 
"  no  means  advifeable,  for  you  to  intereft  yourfelf  in  the 
"  protection  of  (lamp-papers  or  (lamp-officers. 

"  The  only  thing  we  have  further  to  recommend  to  you 
"  at  this  time  is,  to  obferve  on  all  occafions,  a  fuitable  fru- 
"  gality  and  economy  in  the  public  expenfes  ;  and  that  you 
**  confent  to  no  unneceflary  or  unufual  grant  at  this  time 
"  of  diflrefs,  when  the  people  are  groaning  under  the  bur- 
"  then  of  heavy  taxes  ;  and  that  you  ufe  your  endeavours 
"  to  inquire  into,  and  bear  teftimony  againft,  any  pad, 
"  and  to  prevent  any  future,  unconftitutioaal  draughts  on 
"  the  public  treafury." 


NOTE   NO-  IV.      Page  32. 

Names  of  the  gentlemen  delegated  to  meet  at  New- 
York,  in  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fixty-five, 


APPENDIX.  409 

on  occaflon  of  the  ftamp-a£l :  with  the  refolves  of  this 
firfl  American  congrefs. 


{•  Efquires. 


From  the  province  of  the  MaJJachufetts  Bay. 
James  Otis,  -% 

Oliver  Partridge,      v  Efquires. 
Timothy  Ruggles,  J 

From  the  colony  of  Rhode  I/land  and  Providence  Plantations, 
Metcalf  Bowler, 
Henry  Ward, 

From  the  colony  of  Connecticut. 
Eliphalet  Dyer,  -\ 

David  Rowland,  t  Efquires. 

William  Samuel  Johnfon,  J 

From  the  colony  of  New  Tork. 
Robert  R.  Livingfton,  "1 
John  Cruger, 

Philip  Livingfton,         I  Efquires. 
William  Bayard, 
Leonard  Lifpenard,     J 

From  the  colony  of  New  Jerfy* 
Robert  Ogden,         -* 
Hendrick  Fifher,       L  Efquires. 
Jofeph  Borden,        J 
From  the  province  of  Pennfylvania. 
John  Dickenfon,      -j 
John  Morton,  I  Efquires. 

George  Bryan,         j 

From  ths  government  of  the  counties   of  Newcaftle,  Kent>  and 
on  Delaware. 


Csefar  Rodney,         1    -or    • 
•™  A/r,T/  f   Efquires. 

Thomas  M'Kean,    j 

From  the  province  of  Maryland. 
William  Murdock,  T 
Edward  Tilghman,  J-   Efquires. 
Thomas  Ringold,    J 


VOL.     I.  3.;..D 


APPENDIX. 


From  the  province  of  South  Carolina* 
Thomas  Lynch,         -\ 
Chriftopher  Gadfden,  £  Efquires. 
John  Rutledge,          J 


Saturday,  A.  M.  Oftober  19,  1765. 

The  congrefs  met  according  to  adjournment,  and  refum- 
ed,  &c.  as  yefterday,  and  upon  mature  deliberation,  agreed 
to  the  following  declarations  of  the  rights  and  grievances 
of  the  colonifts  in  America,  which  were  ordered  to  be  in- 
ferted  in  their  journals. 

The  members  of  this  congrefs  fmcerely  devoted  with  the 
warmeft  fentriments  of  aife&ion  and  duty  to  his  majefty's 
perfon  and  government,  inviolably  attached  to  the  prefent 
happy  eftablifhment  of  the  proteftant  fucceffion,  and  with 
minds  deeply  impreffed  by  a  fenfe  of  the  prefent  and 
impending  misfortunes  of  the  Britifh  colonies  on  this  conti- 
nent ;  having  confidered  as  maturely  as  time  will  permit, 
the  circumftances  of  the  faid  colonies,  efteem  it  our  indif- 
penfable  duty  to  make  the  following  declarations  of  our 
humble  opinion,  refpecling  the  moil  efiential  rights  and  lib- 
erties of  the  colonifts,  and  of  the  grievances  under  which 
they  labor,  by  reafon  of  feveral  late  acts  of  parliament. 

I.  That  his  majefty's  fubjects  in  thefe  colonies,  owe  the 
fame  allegiance  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  that  is  owing 
from  his  fubjefts  born  within  the  realm,  and  all  due  fubor- 
dination   to  that  auguft  body,  the   parliament   of  Great 
Britain. 

II.  That  his  majefty's  liege  fubjecls  in  thefe  colonies, 
are  entitled  to  all  the  inherent  rights  and  liberties  of  his  nat- 
ural born  fubjecls  within  the  kingdom  of  Great  Britain. 

III.  That  it  is  infeparably  eilential  to  the  freedom  of  a 
people,  and  the  undoubted  right  of  Englishmen,  that  no 
taxes  be  impofed   on   them,  but  with  their  own  confent, 
given  perfonaliy,  or  by  their  reprefentatives. 


APPENDIX.  411 

IV.  That  the  people  of  thefe  colonies  are  not,   and 
from  their  local  circumftances  cannot,  be  reprefented  in  the 
houfe  of  commons  in  Great  Britain. 

V.  That  the  only  reprefentatives  of  the  people  of  thefe 
colonies  are  people  chofen  by  themfelves,  and  that  no  taxes 
ever  have  been,  or  can  be,  conftitutionally  impofed  on  them, 
but  by  their  refpective  legislatures. 

VI.  That  all  fupplies  to  the  crown  being  free   gifts  of 
the   people,  it   is   unreufonable   and   inconfiftent  with  the 
principles  and  fpirit  of  the  Britifh  conftitution,  for  the  peo- 
ple of  Great  Britain  to  grant  to  his  majefty  the  property  of 
the  colonifts. 

VII.  That  trial  by  jury  is  the  inherent  and  invaluable 
right  of  every  Britifh  fubject  in  thefe  colonies. 

VIII.  That  the  late  aft  of  parliament,   entitled,  "  An 
"  act  for  granting  and  applying  certain  ftamp-duties,  and 
"  other  duties,  in  the  Britiflr  colonies  and  plantations  in 
«  America,  &c."  by  impofing  taxes  on  the  inhabitants  of 
thefe  colonies,  and  the  fame  act,  and  feveral  other  acts,  by 
extending  the  jurifdiction  of  the  courts  of  admiralty  beyond 
its  ancient  limits,  have  a  manifeft  tendency  to  fubvert  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  the  colonifts. 

IX.  That  the  duties  impofed  by  feveral  late  acls  of  the 
Britifh  parliament,  from  the  peculiar  circumftances  of  thefe 
colonies,  will  be  extremely  burthenfome  and  grievous  ;  and 
from  the  fcarcity  of  fpecie,  the  payment  of  them  abfolutely 
impracticable. 

X.  That  as  the  profits  of  the  trade  of  thefe  colonies 
ultimately  centre   in   Great  Biitain,  to  pay  for  the  manu- 
factures which  they  are  obliged  to  take  from  thence,  they 
eventually  contribute  very  largely  to  all  fupplies  granted 
there  to  the  crown. 


412  APPENDIX. 

XL  That  the  reflections  impofed  by  feveral  late  acts 
of  parliament  on  the  trade  of  thefe  colonies,  will  render 
them  unable  to  purchafe  the  manufactures  of  Great  Britain. 

XII.  That  the  increafe,  profperity,   and   happinefs   of 
thefe  colonies,  depend  on  the  full  and   free   enjoyment   of 
their  rights  and  liberties,  and  an  intercourfe   with  Great 
Britain,  mutually  affectionate  and  advantageous. 

XIII.  That  it  is  the  right  of  the  Britifti  fubjects  in  the 
colonies  to  petition  the  king,  pr  either  houfe  of  parliament. 

LASTLY.  That  it  is  the  indifpenfable  duty  of  theie 
colonies,  to  the  bed  of  fovereigns,  to  the  mother  country, 
and  to  themfelves,  to  endeavour  by  a  loyal  and  dutiful  ad- 
drefs  to  his  majefty,  and  humble  applications  to  both 
houfes  of  parliament,  to  procure  the  repeal  of  the  act  for 
granting  and  applying  certain  ftamp-duties ;  of  all  claufes 
of  any  other  acts  of  parliament,  whereby  the  jurifdiction  of 
the  admiralty  is  extended  as  aforefaid  ;  and  of  the  other 
late  acts  for  the  reftriction  of  American  commerce. 

After  thefe  refolves,  they  chofe  Thomas  Lynch, 
James  Otis,  and  Thomas  McKean,  Efquires,  to  prepare 
a  petition  to  the  houfe  of  commons.  An  addrefs  to 
the  king  and  to  the  houfe  of  lords,  was  alfo  prepared 
and  forwarded. 


NOTE   NO.  V.       Page  49, 

Copy  from  Mr.  Dickenfon's  original  letter  to  Mr. 
Otis,  accompanying  the  celebrated  Farmer's  Letters. 

"Philadelphia^  Dec.   5,   1767. 

*'  DEAR    SIR, 

"  The  liberties  of  our  common  country  appear 
"  to  me  to  be  at  this  moment  expofed  to  the  moil  imminent 


APPENDIX.  41* 

"  danger  ;  and  this  apprehenfion  has  engaged  me  to  lay  my 
"  fentiments  before  the  public  in  letters,  of  which  I  fend 
41  you  a  copy. 

"  Only  one  has  been  yet  publifhed  ;  and  what  their  ef, 
"  feet  may  be  cannot  yet  be  known.  But  whenever  the 
"  caufe  of  American  freedom  is  to  be  vindicated,  I  look  to- 
"  wards  the  province  of  Maffachufetts  Bay.  She  muft,  as 
"  (he  has  hitherto  done,  firft  kindle  the  facred  flame,  that 
"on  fuch  occafions  muft  warm  and  illuminate  this  conti- 
"  nent. 

"  Words  are  wanting  to  exprefs  my  fenfe  of  the  vigilance, 
"  perfeverance,  fpirit,  prudence,  refolution,  and  firmnefs, 
"  With  which  your  colony  has  diftinguifhed  herfelf,  in  our 
"  unhappy  times.  May  God  ever  grant  her  noble  labors 
4C  the  fame  fuccefsful  iffue  which  was  obtained  by  the 
"  repeal  of  the  ftamp-acl:. 

"In  my  gratitude  to  your  province  in  general,  I  do 
"  not  forget  the  obligations  which  all  Americans  are  un- 
"  der  to  you  in  particular,  for  the  indefatigable  zeal  and 
"  undaunted  courage  you  have  ihewn  in  defending  their 
"  rights.  My  opinion  of  your  love  for  your  country,  induces 
"  me  to  commit  to  your  hands  the  inclofed  letters,  to  be 
"  difpofed  of  as  you  think  proper,  not  intending  to  give  out 
"  any  other  copy.  I  have  fhewn  them  to  three  men  of 
« learning  here,  who  are  my  friends.  They  think  with  me, 
"  that  the  moft  deftruclive  confequences  muft  follow,  if 
*  thefe  colonies  do  not  inftantly,  vigoroufly,  and  unani- 
"  moufly  unite  themfelves,  in  the  fame  manner  they  did 
"  againft  the  ftamp-acl:.  Perhaps  they  and  I  are  miftaken : 
"  I  therefore  fend  the  piece  containing  the  reafons  for  this 
"  opinion,  to  you,  who  I  know  can  determine  its  true 
"  worth ;  and  if  you  can  difcover  no  other  merit  in  it,  per- 
"  mit  me  at  leaft  to  claim  the  merit  of  having  wrote  it 
"  with  the  moft  ardent  affection  for  the  Britifh  colonies,  the 
"  pureft  intentions  to  promote  their  welfare,  an  honeft  de~ 


414  APPENDIX. 

"  fire  to  aflert  their  rights,  and  with  a  deep  fenfe  of  their 
*'  impending  misfortunes, 

"  Our  caufe  is  a  caufe  of  the  higheft  dignity  :  it  is  noth- 
4t  ing  lefs  than  to  maintain  the  liberty  with  which  Heaven 
"  itfelf  *  hath  made  us  free.'  I  hope  it  will  not  be  difgm- 
"  ced  in  any  colony  by  a  fmgle  rafh  ftep.  We  have  confti- 
"  tutional  methods  of  feeking  redrefs,  and  they  are  the  beft 
"  methods. 

"  This  fubjeft  leads  me  to  inform  you  with  pleafure,  be- 
"  caufe  I  think  it  muft  give  you  pleafure,  that  the  moderar 
*'  tion  of  your  conduct  in  compofing  the  minds  of  your  fel- 
"  low-citizens,    has  done  you   the  higheft  credit  with  us. 
"  You  may  be  aflured  I  feel  a  great  fatisfaftion  in  hearing 
"  your  praifes ;  for  every  thing  that  advances  your  reputa- 
tion or  intereft,  will  always  afford  fmcere  joy  to,  dear  fir, 
"  Your  moft  affectionate,  and 
"  Moft  humble  fervant, 

«  JOHN  DICKENSON, 
"  Hon.  James  Otis,jun.  Efq." 


NOTE   NO.  VI.       Pagt  53. 

This  meafure  had  been  contemplated  by  feveral  gentle- 
men, a  year  or  two  before  it  took  place ;  among  others, 
by  the  learned  and  excellent  doclor  Jonathan  Mayhe'w  of 
Bofton  :  fee  the  annexed  letter,  written  by  him  foon  after 
the  repeal  of  the  ftamp-acl:.  The  abilities,  virtue,  and  pat- 
riotifm  of  doctor  Mayhew,  were  fo  diftinguifhed,  that  the 
following  fragment  may  be  pleafmg  and  particularly  im- 
preffive,  as  it  was  the  laft  letter  he  ever  wrote  to  any  one, 
and  within  three  days  after  its  date,  this  great  and  good 
man  clofed  his  eyes  on  the  politics  and  vanities  o£  human 
life. 


APPENDIX,  415 

"  Lord's  day  morning)  June  8,  1766. 
«  HON.  JAMES  OTIS,  JUN.  ESQ. 

41  SIR* 

"  To  a  good  man  all  time  is  holy  enough,  arid 
"  none  too  holy  to  do  good,  or  to  think  upon  it. 

"  Cultivating  a  good  underftanding  and  hearty  friend- 
"  (hip  between  thefe  colonies  and  their  feveral  houfes  of 
"  aflembly,  appears  to  me  to  be  fo  necefTary  a  part  of  pru- 
"  dence  and  good  oolicy,  all  things  confidered,  that  no 
"  favorable  opportunity  for  that  purpofe  ought  to  be  omit- 
" ted :  I  think  fuch  an  one  now  prefents.  Would  it  not 
"  be  very  proper  and  decorous,  for  our  aflembly  to  fend 
"  circular  congratulatory  letters  to  all  the  reft,  without 
"  exception,  on  the  repeat,  and  the  prefent  favorable  afpecl: 
"  of  things  ?  Letters  conceived  at  once  in  terms  of  warm 
"  friendfhip  and  regard  to  them,  of  loyalty  to  the  king,  of 
"  filial  affeftion  towards  the  mother  country,  and  intimat- 
"  ing  a  defire  to  cement  and  perpetuate  union  among 
"  ourfelves,  by  all  practicable  and  laudable  methods  ?  A 
"  good  foundation  is  already  laid  for  this  latter,  by  the 
"  late  congrefs,  which  in  my  poor  opinion  was  a  wife 
"  meafure,  and  actually  contributed  not  a  little  towards 
"  our  obtaining  a  redrefs  of  grievances,  however  fome  may 
"  affect  to  difparage  it.  Purfuing  this  track,  and  never 
"  lofing  fight  of  it,  may  be  of  the  utmoft  importance  to 
"  the  colonies,  on  fome  future  occafions,  perhaps  the  only 
"  means  of  perpetuating  their  liberties ;  for  what  may  be 
*<  hereafter  we  cannot  tell,  how  favorable  foever  prefent 
"  appearances  may  be.  It  is  not  fafe  for  the  colonies  to 
"Jleep,  fmce  they  will  probably  always  have  fome  wakeful 
«*  enemies  in  Britain ;  and  if  they  fhould  be  fuch  children 
«  as  to  do  fo,  I  hope  there  are  at  leaft  fome  perfons  too 
*<  much  of  men,  and  friends  to  them,  to  rock  the  cradle,  or 
**  fmg  lullaby  to  them. 

"  You  have  heard  of  the  communion  of  churcha,  and  I 
w  am  very  early  to-morrow  morning  to  fet  out  for  Rut- 


416  APPENDIX. 

"  land,  to  affift  at  an  ecclefiaftical  council.  Not  expefting 
"  to  return  this  week,  while  I  was  thinking  of  this  in  my 
"  bed,  with  the  dawn  of  day,  the  great  ufe  and  impor- 
"  tance  of  a  communion  of  colonies,  appeared  to  me  in  a  very 
"  ftrong  light,  which  determined  me  immediately  to  fe$ 
**  down  theie  hints,  in  order  to  tranfmit  them  to  you. 
"  Not  knowing  but  the  houfe  may  be  prorogued  or  dif- 
**  folved  before  my  return,  or  having  an  opportunity  to 
"  fpeak  to  you,  you  will  make  fuch  a  ufe  of  them  as  you 
"  think  proper,  or  none  at  all. 

"  I  have  had  a  fight  of  the  anfwer  to  the  lad  very  extra- 
'*  ordinary  fpeech,*  with  which  I  was  much  pleafed.  It 
"  appears  to  me  folid  and  judicious,  and  though  fpirited, 
"  not  more  fo  than  the  cafe  abfolutely  required,  unlefs  we 
"  could  be  content  to  have  an  abfolute  and  uncontrollable, 

*e  inftead  of  a  limited,  conftitutional  g — r.     I  cannot 

"  think  the  man  will  have  one  wife  and  good,  much  lefs 
"  one  truly  great  man  at  home,  to  (land  by  him  in  fo  open. 
•'  and  flagrant  an  attack  upon  our  charter  rights  and  priv- 
**  ileges.  But  the  lefs  afperity  in  language  the  better,  pro- 
"  vided  there  is  firmnefs  in  adhering  to  our  rights,  in 
•'  oppofition  to  all  encroachments. 

"  I  am,  fir, 

"  Your  moft  obedient, 
"  Humble  fervant, 
«  JONATHAN  MAYHE W." 


NOTE    NO.   VII.       Page  54. 

Copy  of  the  circular  letter  which  was  fent  from  the 
houfe  of  reprefentatives  of  the  province  of  Mafiachu- 
fetts  Bay,  to  the  fpeakers  of  the  refpeclive  houfes  of 
reprefentatives  and  burgefTes  on  the  continent  of  North 
America. 

*  Speech  of  governor  Bernard. 


APPENDIX.  417 

«  Province  of  tie  Ma/achufitts  Say,  Feb.  11,  1768. 

"SIR, 

"  The  houfe  of  reprefentatives  of  this  province 
"  have  taken  into  their  ferious  confideration,  the  great 
"  difficulties  that  muft  accrue  to  themfelves  and  their  con- 
"  ftituents,  by  the  operation  of  the  feveral  acts  of  parlia- 
**  ment  impofmg  duties  and  taxes  on  the  American  col- 
"  onies. 

"  As  it  is  a  fubject  in  which  every  colony  is  deeply  in- 
"  terefted,  they  have  no  reafon  to  doubt  but  your  houfe  is 
u  duly  imprefled  with  its  importance ;  and  that  fuch  con- 
"  ftitutional  meafures  will  be  come  into  as  are  proper.  It 
"  feems  to  be  neceffary,  that  all  poffible  care  fhould  be 
"  taken  that  the  reprefentations  of  the  feveral  aflemblies, 
"  upon  fo  delicate  a  point,  fhould  harmonize  with  each 
"  other  :  the  houfe  therefore  hope  that  this  letter  will  be 
'*  candidly  confidered,  in  no  other  light  than  as  expreffing 
"  a  difpofition  freely  to  communicate  their  mind  to  a  filler 
"  colony,  upon  a  common  concern,  in  the  fame  manner  as 
«*  they  would  be  glad  to  receive  the  fentiments  of  your,  or 
"  any  other  houfe  of  aflembly  on  the  continent. 

"  The  houfe  have  humbly  reprefented  to  the  miniftry 
**  their  own  fentiments ;  that  his  majefty's  high  court  of 
*'  parliament  is  the  fupreme  legiflative  power  over  the 
"  whole  empire ;  that  in  all  free  flates  the  confh'tution  is 
"  fixed  ;  and  as  the  fupreme  legiflative  derives  its  power 
"  and  authority  from  the  conftitution,  it  cannot  overleap 
'*  the  bounds  of  it,  without  deflroying  its  foundation. 
"  That  the  conftitution  afcertains  and  limits  both  fove- 
"  reignty  and  allegiance ;  and  therefore  his  majefty's 
"  American  fubjects,  who  acknowledge  themfelves  bound 
<(  by  the  ties  of  allegiance,  have  an  equitable  claim  to  thet 
"  full  enjoyment  of  the  fundamental  rules  of  the  Britifn 
"  conftitution.  That  it  is  an  eifential,  unalterable  right  in 
*•'  nature,  engrafted  into  the  Britifh-  conftitution  as  a  funda- 

voi .  i-  3....E 


418  APPENDIX. 

<*  mental  law,  and  ever  held  facred  and  irrevocable  by  the 
"  fubjects  within  the  realm,  that  what  a  man  hath  honeftly 
"  acquired,  is  abfolutely  his  own,  which  he  may  freely 
"  give,  but  cannot  be  taken  from  him  without  his  confent. 
"  That  the  American  fubjects  may  therefore,  exclufive  of 
"  any  confideration  of  charter  rights,  with  a  decent  firm- 
"  nefs,  adapted  to  the  character  of  freemen  and  fubjects, 
*'  aifert  this  natural,  constitutional  right. 

"  It  is  moreover  their  humble  opinion,  which  they 
"  exprefs  with  the  greateft  deference  to  the  wifdom  of  the 
"  parliament,  that  the  acts  made  there,  impofmg  duties  on 
"  the  people  of  this  province  for  the  fole  and  exprefs  pur- 
**  pofe  of  raifing  a  revenue,  are  infringements  of  their 
"•  natural  and  c'onftitutional  rights.  Becaufe  as  they  are 
"  not  reprefented  in  the  Britifh  parliament,  his  majefty's 
"  commons  in  Britain,  by  thofe  acts  grant  their  property 
"  without  their  confent. 

"  The  hotife  further  are  of  opinion  that  their  conftitu- 
"  ents,  confidering  their  local  circumftances.  cannot  by  any 
"  poffibility  be  reprefented  in  the  parliament ;  and  that  it 
"  will  forever  be  impra6ticable  that  they  Ihould  be  equally 
"  reprefented  there,  and  confequently  not  at  all,  being 
"  fep;irafed  by  an  ocean  of  a  thoufand  leagues.  That  his 
"  majefty's  royal  predecellbrs  for  this  reafon  were  gra- 
"  cioufly  pleafed  to  form  a  fubordinate  legiflative  here, 
**  that  their  fubjects  might  enjoy  the  unalienable  right  of 
"  a  reprefentation.  Alfo  that  confidering  the  utter  im- 
"  practicability  of  their  ever  being  fully  and  equally 
"  reprefented  in  parliament,  and  the  great  expenfe  that 
"  muft  unavoidably  attend  even  a  partial  reprefentation 
"  there, "this  houfe  think  that  a  taxation  of  their  conftitu- 
«'  ents,  even  without  their  confent,  grievous  as  it  is,  would 
"  be  preferable  to  any  reprefentation  that  could  be  admit- 
"  ted  for  them  there. 

"  Upon  thefe  principles,  and  alfo  confidering  that  were 
"  the  right  in  the  parliament  ever  fo  clear,  yet  for  obvious 


APPENDIX.  419 

**  reafons  it  would  be  beyond  the  rule  of  equity,  that  their 
*'  condiments  ihould  be  taxed  on  the  manufactures  of  Great 
"  Britain  here,  in  addition  to  the  duties  they  pay  for  the,m 
"  in  England,  and  other  advantages  arifing  to  Great  Bi> 
44  tain  from  the  ads  of  trade  ;  this  houfe  have  preferred  a 
"  humble,  dutiful,  and  loyal  petition  to  our  moft  gracious 
"  fovereign,  and  made  fach  reprefentations  to  his  majefly's 
"  minifters,  as  they  apprehend  would  tend  to  obtain  redrefs. 

"  They  have  alfo  fubmitted  to  confideration,  whether 
"  any  people  can  be  f-ud  to  enjoy  any  degree  of  freedom, 
"  if  the  crown  in  addition  to  its  undoubted  authority  of 
"  conftituting  a  governor,  ihould  appoint  him  fuch  a  fti- 
"  pend  as  it  fliould  judge  proper,  without  the  confent  of 
"  the  people,  and  at  their  expenfe :  and  whether  while  the 
"judges  of  the  land  and  other  civil  officers,  hold  not  their 
"  commiflions  during  good  behaviour,  their  having  falaries 
"  appointed  for  them  by  the  crown,  independent  of  the 
"  people,  hath  not  a  tendency  to  fubvert  the  principles  of 
"  equity,  and  endanger  the  happinefs  and  fecurity  of  the 
"  fubjeft. 

"  In  addition  to  thefe  meafures,  the  houfe  have  wrote 
•<  a  letter  to  their  ageiu,  Mr.  De  Berdt,  the  fentiments  of 
"  which  he  is  directed  to  lay -before  the  miniftry  ;  wherein 
"  they  take  notice  of  the  hardlliip  of  the  aft  for  preventing 
"  mutiny  and  defertion,  which  requires  the  governor  and 
•'*  council  to  provide  enumerated  articles  for  the  king's 
*'  marching  troops,  and  the  people  to  pay  the  expenfe  ; 
*<  and  alfo  the  commiflion  of  the  gentlemen  appointed 
"  commiflloners  of  the  cuftoms,  to  reiide  in  America, 
"  which  authorizes  them  to  make  as  many  appointments  as 
"  they  think  fit,  and  to  pay  the  appointees  what  iums 
"  they  pleafe,  for  whofe  mal-conduft  they  are  not  account- 
*<  able.  From  whence  it  may  happen  that  officers  of  the 
"  crown  may  be  multiplied  to  fuch  a  degree,  as  to  become 
"  dangerous  to  the  liberty  of 'the  people,  by  virtue  of  a 
"  commiffion  which  doth  not  appear  to  this  houfe  to  de- 
"  rive  any  fuch  advantages  to  trade  as  many  have  been  led 
"  to  expeft. 


420  APPENDIX. 

"  Thefe  are  the  fentiments  and  proceedings,  of  this  houfe ; 
"  and  as  they  have  too  much  reafon  to  believe  that  the 
"  enemies  of  the  colonies  have  reprefented  them  to  his 
"  majefty's  minifters,  and  the  parliament,  as  factious,  dif- 
"  loyal,  and  having  a  difpofition  to  make  themfelves  inde- 
"  pendent  of  the  mother  country,  they  have  taken  occafion 
"  in  the  moft  humble  terms,  to  afTure  his  majefty  and  his 
««  minifters,  that  with  regard  to  the  people  of  this  province, 
"  and  as  they  doubt  not  of  all  the  colonies,  that  the  charge 
"  is  unjuft. 

"  The  houfe  is  fully  fatisfied  that  your  afTembly  is  too 
•'  generous,  and  enlarged  in  fentiment,  to  believe  that  this 
"  letter  proceeds  from  an  ambition  of  taking  the  lead,  or 
"  dictating  to  the  other  affemblie$ ;  they  freely  fubmit  their 
"  opinion  to  the  judgment  of  others,  and  ftiall  take  it  kind 
"  in  your  houfe  to  point  out  to  them  any  thing  further  that 
"  may  be  thought  neceflary. 

"  This  houfe  cannot  conclude  without  expreffing  their 
"  firm  confidence  in  the  king,  our  common  head  and 
"  father,  that  the  united  and  dutiful  fupplications  of  his  dif- 
"  treffed  American  fubjecls  will  meet  with  his  royal  and 
"  favorable  acceptance." 

(Signed  by  the  Speaker.) 

A  copy  of  the  above  letter  was  alfo,  by  order  of  the 
houfe,  fent  to  Dennis  De  Berdt,  Efq.  agent  to  the  province 
In  London,  that  he  might  make  ufe  of  it,  if  neceflary,  to 
prevent  any  mifreprefentatio^s  in  England. 


ATOr.£    NO-   VIII.      Page  96. 

A  few  extracts  from  the  letters  of  Mr.  Hutchinfon 
to  Mr.  Jackfon,  Bpllan,  and  others,  the  year  previous 
to  the  difturbance  in  March,  one  thoufand  feven  hun- 


APPENDIX.  421 

dred  and  feventy,  fully  evince  his  fentiments  of  ftation- 
ing  and  retaining  troops  in  the  capital  of  the  Mafia- 
chufetts. 

«  Bofton,  January,  1769. 
"DEAR  SIR, 

"  I  fent  you  under  a  blank  cover,  by  way  of 
"  Briftol  and  Glafgow,  the  account  of  proceedings  in  New 
"  York  aflembly,  which  you  will  find  equal  to  thole  of 
"  the  MafTachufetts.  Perhaps  if  they  had  no  troops,  the 
"  people  too  would  have  run  riot  as  we  did.  Five  or  fix 
"  men  of  war,  and  three  or  four  regiments,  difturb  nobody 
u  but  fome  of  our  grave  people,  who  do  not  love  aflem- 
"  blies  and  concerts,  and  cannot  bear  the  noife  of  drums 
"  upon  a  Sunday.  I  know  I  have  not  flept  in  town  any 
"  three  months  thefe  two  years,  in  fo  much  tranquillity,  as 
"  I  have  done  the  three  months  fmce  the  troops  came." 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Bgllan  to  Mr.  Hutch- 
infon. 

"Henrietta  Street)  Augujl  11,  1767* 

"  Mr.  Paxton  has  feveral  times  told  me,  that 
«  you  and  fome  other  of  my  friends  were  of  ppinion,  that 
"  (landing  troops  were  neceffar;  to  fupport  the  authority 
"  of  the  government  at  Bofton,  and  that  he  was  authorized 
«  to  inform  me  this  was  your  and  their  opinion.  I  need 
*'  not  fay  that  I  hold  in  the  greateft  abomination  fuch  out- 
"  rages  that  have  taken  place  among  you,  and  am  fenfible 
"  it  is  the  duty  of  all  charter,  or  other  fubordinate  govern- 
"  ments,  to  take  due  care,  and  punifti  fuch  proceedings  ; 
"  and  that  all  governments  mult  be  fupported  by  force, 
"  when  necefTary  ;  yet  we  muft  remember  how  often  ftand- 
"  ing  forces  have  introduced  greater  mifchiefs  than  they 
"  retrieved,  and  1  am  apprehenfive  that  your  diftant  fitua- 
"  tion  from  the  centre  of  all  civil  and  military  power, 
"  might  in  this  cafe,  fooner  or  later,  fubjeft  you  to  peculiar 
"  difficulties. 


APPENDIX. 

"  When  Malcolm's  bad  behaviour  made  a  ftir  here,  sj, 
*'  minifter  who  feemed  inclined  to  make  ufe  of  (landing 
"  forces,  fuppofing  this  might  not  be  agreeable  tP  me,  I 
"  avoided  giving  an  opinion,  which  then  appeared  needlefs 
*'  and  improper,  but  afterwards,  when  it  was  confidently 
"  faid,  that  preparations  were  making  to  fend  a  confidera- 
(t  ble  number  of  ftanding  troops,  in  order  to  coinpel  obedi- 
"  ence,  I  endeavoured  to  prevent  it." 

Mr.  Bqllan  goes  on  to  obferve,  that  "  he  had  informed 
"  fome  influential  gentlemen  in  England,  that  he  had  the 
«  higheft  reafon  to  believe,  that  whoever  mould  be  inftru- 
«e  mental  in  fending  over  (landing  troops  to  America, 
"  would  be  curfed  to  all  pofterity." 

Extract  from  governor  Hutchinfon's  letters  to  gov- 
ernor Pownal.  It  is  uncertain  on  what  occafion  the 
following  alTertion  was  made,  but  it  difcovers  the  fpirit 
and  wiihes  of  the  writer. 

«  Bofton,  June  22,  1772* 

"  The  union  of  the  colonies  is  pretty  well  broke ; 
"  I  hope  I  (hall  never  fee  it  renewed.  Indeed  our  fons  of 
"  liberty  are  hated  and  defpifed  by  their  former  brethren 
"  in  New  York  and  Pennfylvania,  and  it  muft  be  fome- 
"  thing  very  extraordinary  ever  to  reconcile  them." 


NOTE  NO.  IX.      Page  113. 

Extracts  from  Mr.  Hutchinfon's  letters  to  Mr.  Jack- 
fon,  Pownal,  and  others. 

«  Bo/ton,  Augufi  27,  1772. 

"  But  before  America  is  fettled  in  peace,  it 
"  would  be  neceffary  to  go  to  the  bottom  of  all  the  difor- 
"  der,  which  has  been  fo  long  neglecled  already.  The 
'*  opinion  that  every  colony  has  a  legillature  within  itfelf. 


APPENDIX.  423 

*<  the  acts  and  doings  of  which  are  not  to  be  controlled  by 

««  parliament,  and  that  no  legiflative  power  ought  to  be 

«*  exercifed  over  the    colonies,  except   by  their  refpeclive 

"  iegiflatures,  gains  ground  every  day,  and  it  has  an  influ- 

"  ence  upon  all  the  executive  parts  of  government.     Grand 

"  juries  will  not  prefent ;  petit  juries  will  not  convict  the 

"  higheft  offenders  againft  ads  of  parliament :    our  news- 

"  papers    publickly    announce    this    independence   every 

"  week  ;  and,  what  is  much  more,  there  is  fcarce  an  aflem- 

"  bly  which  has  not  done  it  at  one  time  or  another.     The 

"  affembly  of  this  province  has  done  as  much  the  lad  fef- 

"  fion  by  their  public  votes  and  refolves,  and  by  an  addrefs 

rt  which  they  have  fent  to  doftor  Franklin,  to  be  prefented 

"  to  the  king  ;  fo  there  is  fufficient  grounds  for  parliament 

"  to  proceed,  if  there  is  a  difpofition.     What,  it  will  be 

"  faid,  can  be  done  ?     A  ted   as  general  as  the  oaths  re- 

"  quired  inftead  of  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  fupremacy, 

"  would  be  moft  effectual ;  but  this  there  is  reafon  to  fear 

<4  would  thro\v  America  into  a  general  confufion,  and  I 

"  doubt  the  expediency.     But  can  lefs  be  done  than  affix- 

"  ing  penalties,  and  difqualiiications  or  incapacities,  upon 

«•'  all  who  by  word  or  writing  fhall  deny  or  call  in  queftion. 

**  the  fupreme  authority  of  parliament  over  all  parts  of  the 

"  Britidi  dominions  .?     Can   it   be  made  neceffary  for  all 

"  judges  to  be  under  oath,  to  obferve  all  acts  of  parliament 

"  in  their  judgments  ?  And  may  not  the  oaths  of  all  jurors, 

"  grand  and  petit,  be  fo  framed  as  to  include  acts  of  par- 

"  liament  as  the  rule  of  law,  as   well  as  law  in  general 

"  terms  ?  And  for  aflemblies  or  bodies  of  men,  who  fhall 

"  deny  the    authority  of  parliament,   may  not  all   their 

"  fubfequent  proceedings  be  declared  to  be  ipfo  fafto  null 

"  and  void,  and  every  member  who  (hall  continue  to  act  in 

"  fuch  ailembly  be  fubjecl  to  penalties   and   incapacities  ? 

<{  I  fuggeft  thefe  things  for  confideration-       Every  thing 

«*  depends  upon  the  fettlement  of  this  grand  point.     We 

«'  owe   much    of  our   troubles  to  the    countenance  given 

"  by  fome  in   England  to  this  doctrine   of  independence. 

"  If  the  people  were  convinced  that  the  nation  with  one 

(t  voice  condemned  the   doclrine,  or  that  parliament  at  aril 


424.  APPENDIX. 

"  events,  was  determined  to  maintain  its  fupremacy,  ute 
"  fhould  foon  be  quiet.  The  demagogues  who  generally 
c«  have  no  property,  would  continue  their  endeavours  to 
'*  inflame  the  minds  of  the  people  for  fome  time  ;  but 
"  the  people  in  general  have  real  eftates,  which  they 
**  would  not  run  the  hazard  of  forfeiting,  by  any  treafona- 
"  ble  meafures.  If  nothing  more  can  be  done,  there  muft 
*'  be  further  provifions  for  carrying  the  act  of  trade  into 
'*  execution,  which  I  am  informed  adminiftration  are  very 
*«  {enfible  of,  and  have  meafures  in  contemplation,  Thus 
"  you  have  a  few  of  my  fudden  thoughts,  which  I  muft 
"  pray  you  not  to  communicate  as  coming  from  me,  left  I 
"  fhould  be  fuppofed  here  to  have  contributed  to  any  fu* 
"  ture  proceedings  refpecting  America.  I  have  only  room 
"  to  add  that  I  am,  with  fmcere  refpect  and  efteem, 

"  Your's,  &c." 

«Bo(lony  December  8,  1772, 
"TO  MR.  JACKSON. 

[Private.] 
"DEAR   SIR, 

"  They  fucceed  in  their  unxvearied  endeav- 
**  ours  to  propagate  the  doctrine  of  independence  upon 
«  parliament,  and  the  mifchiefs  of  it  every  day  increafe. 
"  I  believe  I  have  repeatedly  mentioned  to  you  my  opin- 
"  ion  of  the  neceflity  of  parliament's  taking  fome  meafures 
"  to  prevent  the  fpread  of  this  doctrine,  as  well  as  to  guard. 
*'  againft  the  mifchiefs  of  it.  It  is  more  difficult  now, 
"  than  it  was  the  laft  year,  and  it  will  become  more  and 
*'  more  fo  every  year  it  is  neglected,  until  it  is  utterly 
"  impracticable.  If  I  confulted  nothing  but  my  own  eafe 
"  and  quiet,  I  would  propofe  neglect  and  contempt  of  eve- 
"  ry  affront  offered  to  parliament  by  the  little  American 
"  afTemblies,  but  I  fliould  be  falfe  to  the  king,  and  betray 
"  the  truft  he  has  repofed  in  me.  ******  * 
«#######***##*### 

«****#      You  fee  no  difference  between  the 
"  cafe  of  the  colonies  and  that  of  Ireland.     I  care  not  in 


APPENDIX.  425 

"  how  favorable  a  light  you  look  upon  the  colonies,  if  it 
"  does  not  ieparate  us  from  you.  You  will  certainly  find 
"  it  more  difficult  to  retain  the  colonies,,  than  you  do  Ire- 
"  land.  Ireland  is  near  and  under  your  conftant  infpec- 
"  tion.  All  officers  are  dependent,  and  removable  at 
"  pleafure.  The  colonies  are  remote,  and  the  officers 
"  generally  more  difpofed  to  pleafe  the  people  than  the 
*'  kinq;,  or  his  reprefentative.  In  the  one,  you  have  always 
"  the  ultima  ratio  ;  in  the  other,  you  are  either  deftitute  of 
"  it,  or  you  have  no  civil  magiftrate  to  direct  the  uie  of  it. 
"  Indeed,  to  prevent  a  general  revolt,  the  naval  power 
"  may  for  a  long  courfe  of  years  be  fufficient,  but  to  pre- 
"  ferve  the  peace  of  the  colonies,  and  to  continue  them 
"  beneficial  to  the  mother  country,  this  will  be  to  little 
**  purpoie :  but  I  am  writing  to  a  gentleman  who  knows 
"  thcfe  things  better  than  I  do." 

"  Bo/ton,  January  1773. 
«  JOHN  POWNAL,  ESQ. 

"  MY    DEAR    SIR, 

"  I  have  not  anfwered  your  very  kind  and  con- 
"  fidential  letter  of  the  6th  of  October.  Nothing  could 
"  could  confirm  me  more  in  my  own  plan  of  meafures  for 
"  the  colonies,  than  finding  it  to  agree  with  your  fentiments. 
"  You  know  I  have  been  begging  for  meafures  to  maintain 
«*  the  fupremacy  of  parliament.  Whilft  it  is  fuffered  to  be 
«'  denied,  all  is  confufion,  and  the  oppofition  to  govern- 
"  ment  is  continually  gaining  ftrength." 

"Bo/ton,  April  19,  1773. 
«  JOHN  POWNAL,  ESQ. 
"DEAR  SIR, 

"  Our  patriots  fay  that  the  votes  of  the  town  of 
"  Bofton,  which  they  lent  to  Virginia,  have  produced  the 
"  refolves  of  the  afTembly  there,  appointing  a  committee 
44  of  correfpondence  ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  it  is  their  ex- 

VOL.  I.  3....F 


42S  APPENDIX. 

"  pectation,  that  a  committee  for  the  fame  purpofe  will  be 
"  appointed  by  mod  of  the  other  affemblies  on  the  conti- 
"  nent.  If  any  thing  therefore  be  done  by  parliament 
"  refpecting  America,  it  now  feems  necefiary-  that  it  fhould 
«'  be  general,  and  not  confined  to  particular  colonies,  as  the 
"  fame  fpirit  prevails  every  where,  though  not  in  the  like 
"  degree." 

«  Bofton>  Oftober  18,  1773. 
"  JOHN  POWNAL,  ESQ. 

[Private.] 
"DEAR  SIR, 

"  The  leaders  of  the  party  give  out  openly  that 
"  they  muft  have  another  convention  of  all  the  colonies  ; 
"  and  the  fpeaker  has  made  it  known  to  feveral  of  the 
"  members,  that  the  agent  in  England  recommends  it  as  a 
"  meafure  neceffary  to  be  engaged  in  without  delay,  and 
"  propofes,  in  order  to  bring  the  difpute  to  a  crifis,  that 
"  the  rights  of  the  colonies  fhould  be  there  folemnly  and 
"  fully  aflerted  and  declared  ;  that  there  fhould  be  a  firm 
"  engagement  with  each  other,  that  they  will  never  grant 
"  any  aid  to  the  crown,  even  hi  cafe  of  war,  unlefs  the 
"  king  and  the  two  houfes  of  parliament  firft  recognize 
"  thofe  rights ;  and  that  the  refolution  fhould  be  immedi- 
'*  ately  communicated  to  the  crown ;  and  aflures  them, 
41  that  in  this  way  they  will  finally  obtain  their  end. 

"  I  am  not  fond  of  conveying  this  fort  of  intelligence  ; 
"  but  as  I  have  the  fulleft  evidence  of  the  fact,  I  do  not 
"  fee  how  I  can  be  faithful  to  my  truft  and  neglect  it ; 
"  therefore,  though  I  coilfider  this  as  a  private  letter,  yet 
**  I  leave  it  to  you  to  communicate  this  part  of  it,  fo  far  as 
**  his  majefty's  fervice  may  require,  and  as  I  have  nothing 
u  but  that  in  view,  I  wifli  it  may  go  no  further.  The 
"  meafure  appears  to  me,  of  all  others,  the  moft  likely  to 
44  rekindle  a  general  flame  in  the  colonies." 

The  above  extracts  were  taken  from  governor  Hutchin- 
fon's  letter  book,  found  after  he  repaired  to  England,  de- 


APPENDIX.  427 

pofited  in  a  fccret  corner  of  his  houfe  at  Milton.  If  the 
reader  wifhes  a  further  gratification  of  his  curiofity  in 
regard  to  the  fubtil  flratagems  of  Mr.  Hutchinfon,  he  is 
referred  to  the  whole  collection,  as  publifhed  in  England. 


NOTE  NO.   X.      Page  150. 

Names  of  the  members  of  the  American  congrefs,  in 
one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  feventy-four. 


RANDOLPH,  Prefident. 
NEW  HAMPSHIRE.     John  Sullivan,  Nathaniel  Folfom. 
MASSACHUSETTS  BAY.     Thomas  Cufhing,  Samuel  Adams, 

John  Adams,  Robert  Treat  Paine. 
RHODE  ISLAND.     Stephen  Hopkins,  Samuel  Ward. 
CONNECTICUT.     Eliphalet   Dyer,    Roger   Sherman,   Silas 

Deane. 

NEW  YORK.     Ifaac  Low,  John  Alfop,  John  Jay,  James 
Duane,  William  Floyd,  Henry  Weiiher,  Samuel  Bocrum. 

NEW  JERSEY.     James  Kinfey,  William  Livingfton,  Stephen 

Crane,  Richard  Smith. 
PENNSYLVANIA.     Jofeph  Galloway,  Charles  Humphreys, 

John  Dickenfon,  Thomas  Mifflin,  Edward  Biddle,  John 

Morton,  George  Rofs. 
NEWCASTLE,    &c.       Casfar    Rodney,    Thomas    M'Kean, 

George  Read. 
MARYLAND.     Matthew  Tilghman,  Thomas  Johnfon,  Wil- 

liam Paca,  Samuel  Chafe. 
VIRGINIA.      Richard    Henry   Lee,    George   Washington, 

Patrick  Henry,  jun.  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Harrifon, 

Edmund  Pendleton. 
NORTH  CAROLINA.     William  Hooper,  Jofeph  Hewes,.  R. 

Cafwell. 
SOUTH  CAROLINA.      Henry  Middleton,  Thomas  Lynch, 

Chriftopher  Gadfden,  John  Rutledge,  Edward  Rutledge. 


428  APPENDIX. 


NOTE  NO.   XL      Page  180. 

Extract   of  a  letter  from   governor  Hutchinfon  to 
commodore  Gambler. 

"Bo/Ion,  June  30,  1772. 


Our'laft  fhips  carried  you 

"  the  news  of  the  burning  the  Gafpee  fchooner  at  Provi- 
"  dence.  I  hope  if  there  fhould  be  another  like  attempt, 
"  fome  concerned  in  it  may  be  taken  prifoners  and  carried 
"  directly  to  England.  A  few  punifhed  at  Execution 
"  Dock,  would  be  the  only  effectual  preventive  of  any 
"  further  attempts.  *********** 

<c  #      *      #      %      #      *      #  » 

On  the  fame  fubject,  to  fecretary  Pownal. 

,  Augujl  29,  1772. 


"DEAR  SIR, 

"  I  troubled  you  with  a  long  letter  the  21ft  of 
"  July.  Give  me  leave  now  only  to  add  one  or  two  things 
"  which  I  then  intended,  but  to  avoid  being  too  tedious, 
"  omitted.  People  in  this  province,  both  friends  and  ene- 
"  mies  to  government,  are  in  great  expectations  from  the 
"  late  affair  at  Rhode  Ifland  of  burning  the  king's  fchooner, 
"  and  they  confider  the  manner  in  which  the  news  of  it  will 
"  be  received  in  England,  and  the  meaiures  to  be  taken,  as 
"  decifive.  If  it  is  pafled  over  without  a  full  inquiry  and 
"  due  resentment,  our  liberty  people  will  think  they  may 
*'  with  impunity  commit  any  acls  of  violence,  be  they  ever 
"  fo  atrocious,  and  the  friends  to  government  will  defpond, 
"  and  give  up  all  hopes  of  being  able  to  withftand  the 
"  f^iclion.  The  perfons  who  were  the  immediate  aclors, 
"  are  men  of  eftate  and  property  in  the  colony.  A  profe- 
*'  cution  "is  impofiible.  If  ever  the  government  of  that 


APPENDIX.  429 

"  colony  is  to  be  reformed,  this  feerns  to  be  the  time,  and 
"  it  would  have  a  happy  effect  in  the  colonies  which  adjoin 
"  to  it.  Several  perfons  have  been  advifed  by  letters  from 
"  their  friends,  that  as  the  miniftry  are  united,  and  oppofi- 
"  tion  at  an  end,  there  will  certainly  be  an  inquiry  into  the 
•'  ftate  of  America,  the  next  feffion  of  parliament.  The 
"  denial  of  the  fupremacy  of  parliament,  and  the  contempt 
"  with  which  its  authority  has  been  treated  by  the  Lilli- 
"  putian  aifemblies  of  America,  can  never  be  juftified  or 
"  excufed  by  any  one  member  of  either  houfe  of  parliament. 
«#***#*********** 
«**********#****# 
«#****  *." 

"Bofton,  September  2,  1772. 
«  SAMUEL  HOOD,  ESQ. 

4iDEAR    S  I  K, 

"  Captain  Linzee  can  inform  you  of  the  ftate  of 
•*  Rhode  Ifland  colony  better  than  I  can.  So  daring  an 
»'  infult  as  burning  the  king's  fchooner,  by  people  who  are 
"  as  well  known  as  any  who  were  concerned  in  the  lad 
"  rebellion,  and  yet  cannot  be  profecuted,  will  certainly 
"  roufe  the  Britifli  lion,  which  has  been  afleep  thefe  four  or 
"  five  years.  Admiral  Montague  fays,  that  lord  Sandwich 
"  will  never  leave  purfuing  the  colony,  until  it  is  disfran- 
"  chifed.  If  it  is  pafTed  over,  the  other  colonies  will  follow 
"  the  example." 


NOTE   NO.  XII.      Page  203. 

The  fuflerings  of  the  colony  of  Virginia,  under  lord 
Dunmore's  adminiftration,  and  the  fpirit  and  magnanimity 
of  the  inhabitants,  might  claim  a  larger  detail  in  this  nar- 
rative ;  but  fo  diftingtiiihed  have  been  many  of  their  leading 
characters,  through  all  the  tranfaclions  of  the  great  conteft, 
from  the  introduction  of  the  refolves  by  Patrick  Henry,  in 
the  year  one  thoufand  feyen  hundred  and  fixtv.five,  to  the 


430  APPENDIX. 

elevation  of  Mr.  Jefferfon  to  the  prefidential  chair  in  ono 
thoufand  eight  hundred  and  one,  as  to  be  fufficient  to  fur- 
nifh  ample  materials  foj-  a  volume  by  itfelf.  But  every 
hiftorical  record  of  the  American  revolution  and  its  confe- 
quences,  muft  neceflarily  introduce  the  names  of  many 
illuftrious  characters  that  h^ive  adorned  and  dignified  the 
ftate  of  Virginia. 


NOTE   NO.  XIIL       Page  215. 

Mr.  Hancock  retained  his  popularity  to  the  end  of  his 
life.  His  death  did  not  take  place  until  the  year  one 
thoufand  feven  hundred  and  ninety-three.  He  was  chofen 
governor  of  the  MaiTachufetts  in  one  thoufand  feven  hun- 
dred and  eighty,  and  though  a  remarkable  debilitation  of 
body  rendered  him  to  appearance  little  able  to  difcharge 
the  duties  of  the  firft  magiftrate,  yet  the  fuffrages  of  the 
people  kept  him  long  in  the  chair,  after  he  was  reduced  to 
fuch  a  ftate  of  weaknefs  as  to.  be  lifted  by  his  fervants  into 
his  carriage,  and  thence  into  the  ftate  houfe,  to  deliver  his 
public  fpeeches.  In  this  he  acquitted  himfelf  with  a  degree 
of  elocution,  pleafmg  and  popular,  though  his  health  did 
not  admit  of  his  writing  them  previously,  and  feldom  had 
he  ftrength  to  add  his  fignaturc  to  the  acts  of  the  legifla- 
ture.  But  his  mental  faculties  were  not  much  impaired  by 
the  infirmities  of  his  bodily  conftitution ;  they  were  not 
indeed  compofed  of  thofe  elementary  fparks  of  genius  that 
foon  burn  themfelves  out ;  nor  were  the  energies  of  his 
mind  blunted  by  induftry  and  application. 

He  had  been  fo  long  habituated  to  ideas  of  indepen- 
dence, that  after  they  were  thoroughly  fixed  in  his  mind, 
he  uniformly  retained  his  principles  to  the  laft.  He  was 
againft  the  confolidation  of  the  general  government,  and 
the  monarchical  views  of  many  who  had  ri£en  to  power 
before  he  had  finifhed  his  career  of  life.  He  fupported  his 
opinion  of  the  fovereignty  of  the  individual  ftates,  in  a 


APPENDIX.  431 

manly  manner,  in  one  of  his  laft  tranfa&ions  of  a  public 
nature  ;  this  was  his  conducl  relative  to  the  fuability  of  the 
ftates.  An  experiment  made  by  a  procefs  commenced 
ugainft  the  MaiTachufetts,  in  favor  of  William  VafTal,  Efq., 
the  governor  of  the  ftate  was  fummoned  by  a  writ  to  an- 
fwei-  to  the  profecuticn.  He  declined  the  fmalleft  concef- 
fion  that  might  leiTen  the  independence  and  fovereignty  of 
each  ftate,  and  fupported  his  opinion  with  firmnefs  and 
dignity  equally  popular  and  honorable  to  himfelf.  Litiga- 
tions of  this  nature  were  foon  after  barred,  by  an  amend- 
ment in  the  conftitution  of  the  United  States. 

An  ample  meafure  of  gratitude  was  repaid  to  Mr.  Han- 
cock, both  for  public  fervices  and  private  benefits  ;  a 
mantle  of  love  was  thrown  over  his  foibles  by  his  country- 
men, and  his  memory  was  embalmed  in  the  affections  of 
his  townfmen. 


NOTE  NO.  XW.      Page  226. 

The  ftate  of  Maffachufetts  continued  this  mode  of  legif- 
lation  and  government  until  the  year  one  thoufand  feven 
hundred  and  eighty,  when  a  convention  was  called  for  the 
purpofe,  and  a  more  liable  form  adopted  :  by  this,  a  gov- 
ernor, lieutenant  governor,  fenate,  and  houfe  of  reprefenta- 
tives  were  to  be  chofen  by  the  free  fuffrages  of  the  people  ; 
a  council  of  nine  were  to  be  chofen  by  the  legiflative,  either 
from  the  fenate  or  the  people  at  large. 


NOTE 'NO.  XV.       Page  265. 

Copy  of  general  Montgomery's  laft  letter  to  general 
Carleton. 


482  APPENDIX. 

«  Holland  Houfe,  December  6,  1775. 

"  SIR, 

"  Notwithftanding  the  perfonal  ill  treatment  I 
"  have  received  at  your  hands,  notwithftailding  the  cruelty 
"  you  have  fhewn  to  the  unhappy  prifoners  you  have  taken, 
"  the  feelings  of  humanity  induce  me  to  have  recourfe  to 
«'  this  expedient,  to  fave  you  from  the  deftruftion  which 
"  hangs  over  your  wretched  garrifon.  Give  me  leave  to 
"  inform  you,  that  I  am  well  acquainted  with  your  fitua- 
"  tion  ;  a  great  extent  of  works,  in  their  nature  incapable 
"  of  defence,  manned  with  a  motley  crew  of  failors,  moll 
•'  of  them  our  friends  and  citizens,  who  wifh  to  fee  us  with- 
"  in  their  walls, — a  few  of  the  worft  troops  that  call  them- 
"  felves  foldiers, — the  impoffibility  of  relief,  and  the  certain 
"  profpecl  of  wanting  every  neceilary  of  life,  fhould  ycur 
."  opponents  confine  their  operations  to  a  fmgle  blockade, — • 
"  point  out  the  abfurdity  of  refiftance  5  fuch  is  your  fit- 
"  nation. 

"  I  am  at  the  head  of  troops  aceuftom^d  to  fuccefs,  con- 
4<  fident  of  the  righteous  caufe  they  are  engaged  in,  inured 
"  to  danger  and  fatigue,  and  fo  highly  incenfed  at  your 
**  inhumanity,  illiberal  abufe,  and  the  ungenerous  means 
**  employed  to  prejudice  them  in  the  minds  of  the  Cana- 
"  dians,  tliat  it  is  with  difficulty  I  reftrain  them  till  my 
"  batteries  are  ready,  from  infultmg  your  works,  which 
"  would  afford  them  the  fair  opportunity  of  ample  ven- 
"  geance  and  juft  retaliation.  Firing  upon  a  flag  of  truce, 
<{  hitherto  unprecedented,  even  among  favages,  prevents 
"  my  following  the  ordinary  mode  of  conveying  my  fenti- 
"  ments  ;  however  I  will  at  any  rate  acquit  my  confcience  : 
**  fhould  you  perfift  in  an  unwarrantable  defence,  the  confe- 
'*  quence  be  upon  your  own  head.  Beware  of  deftroying 
"  (lores  of  any  fort,  public  or  private,  as  you  did  at  Mon- 
**  treal  or  in  the  river  :  if  you  do,  by  heavens,  there  will  be 
"  n'o  mercy  fhewn." 


APPENDIX.  433 


NOTE    NO.  XVI.       Page  278. 

The  many  protefts  of  a  number  of  the  houfe  of  lords, 
which  appeared  from  time  to  time  againft  the  high  meaf- 
ures  of  a  majority  in  parliament,  epitomize  the  American 
grievances  in  a  point  of  view  that  exhibited  the  opinion  at 
the  time,  of  a  very  considerable  part  of  the  moft  judicious 
and  unprejudiced  perfons  through  the  nation,  both  in  and 
out  of  parliament.  Thefe  protefts  may  be  found  in  a  vari- 
ety of  BritiKh  publications. 

This  general  favorable  difpofition  towards  the  Americans 
in  the  early  part  of  the  conteft,  was  evinced  by  numberlefs 
circumftances ;  a  crimination  of  the  meafures  of  adminif- 
tration  againft  the  colonies,  exifted  on  both  fides  of  the 
•  Tweed,  and  indeed  throughout  the  kingdom.  Many  let- 
ters, and  other  excellent  writings  on  the  fubjecT:  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  were  tranfmitted  from  England  to  Amer- 
ica, from  the  year  one  thoufand  feven  hundred  and  fixty- 
five,  until  the  period  when  hoftilities  commenced.  Among 
the  numberlefs  inftances  that  might  be  adduced,  of  the 
fpirit  and  difpofition  of  the  writers  of  thofe  times,  we  will 
here  only  give  the  following  extract  of  a  letter  from  the 
earl  of  Buchan  to  Mr.  Otis ;  this  was  accompanied  by 
fome  very  excellent  effays  on  the  fubject  of  liberty,  and  by 
feveral  portraits  of  his  perfon,  adorned  at  the  foot  with  a 
cap  of  liberty  in  the  centre  of  the  annexed  motto,  "  Ubi 
••  libertas,  ibi  patria.**- 

"  London,  "January  26,  1768. 

"  SIR, 

"  I  take  the  liberty  of  tranfmitting  to  you  the 
«'  inclofed  reprefentations  of  a  man,  ftrongly  attached  to 
"  the  principles  of  that  invaluable  liberty,  without  which 
"  no  real  happinefs  can  fubfift  any  where. 

"  My  family  has  often  bled  in  the  fupport  of  k ;  aitd 
««  defcended  as  I  am,  from  the  Englifh  Henrys  and  Ed- 
VOL.  I.  3....C 


434  APPENDIX. 

"  wards,  I  glory  more  in  the  banifliinent  of  my  great- 
«  grandfather,  lord  Cardrofs,  to  Carolina,  and  the  Hand 
"  made  by  lord  Halifax,  my  anceftor,  than  in  all  that  title 
<*  and  defcent  can  give  me. 

"  You  may  difpofe  of  the  other  prints  to  the  lovers  of 
«  my  principles ;  and  I  beg  you  will  be  fo  good  as  to 
"  tranfmit  four  of  them  to  MefTrs.  *  *  *  *  *  *  * 
•t  **********  as  eminent  defenders 
"  of  thofe  doctrines  in  the  church,  which  are  fo  intimately 
«  connected  with  liberty  in  the  ftate.  ****** 
*********  Lord  Chathamf  has  forfaken 
«'  you,  having  loved  this  world  ;  but  his  favorite,  your 
«  humble  fervant,  will  not,  I  truft,  ever  follow  his  Heps. 
"  I  am,  fir,  with  great  regard, 

«<  Your  mofl  obedient,  humble  fervant, 

«  BUCHAN.     ' 
«  James  Otis,  Efq.  Bojlon." 


NOTE   NO.   XVIL      Page  309. 

In  CONGRESS,  July  4,  177G. 

A    DECLARATION    by    the    REPRESENTATIVES    of   the 

UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA  in  GENERAL  CONGRESS 
aflembled. 

When  in  the  courfe  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necef- 
fary  for  one  people  to  dilfolve  the  political  bands  which 
have  connected  them  with  another,  and  to  affume  among 
the  powers  of  the  earth,  the  feparate  and  equal  ftation  to 
which  the  laws  of  nature  and  nature's  God  entitle  them,  a 
'decent  refpecl  to  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires,  that 
they  fnotild  declare  the  caufes  which  impel  them  to  the 
reparation. 

t  Lord  Chatham  afterwards  totally  reprobated  the  conduft  of  ad- 
mi  niftfation  towards  the  colonies. 


APPENDIX.  435 

We  hold  thefe  truths  to  be  felf-evident :  that  all  men  arp 
created  equal  ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator 
with  certain  unalienable  rights  :  that  among  thefe  are  life, 
liberty,  and  the  purfuit  of  happinefs :  that  to  fecure  thefe 
rights,  governments  are  inltituted  among  men,  deriving 
their  juft  powers  from  the  confent  of  the  governed :  and 
whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes  deftructive  of 
thefe  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  abolifh 
it,  and  to  inftitute  a  new  government,  laying  its  foundation 
on  fuch  principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  fuch  form, 
as  to  them  fhall  feem  moft  likely  to  effect  their  fafety  and 
happinefs.  Prudence  indeed  will  dictate  that  governments 
long  eftablifhed,  fhould  not  be  changed  for  light  and  tran- 
fient  caufes ;  and  accordingly,  all  experience  hath  fhewn, 
that  mankind  are  more  difpofed  to  fuffer,  while  evils  are 
fufferable,  than  to  right  themfelves  by  abolifhing  the  forms 
to  which  they  are  accuftomed :  but  when  a  long  train  of 
abufes  and  ufurpations,  purfuing  ihvariably  the  fame  object, 
evinces  a  defign  to  reduce  them  under  abfolute  defpotifm, 
it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty  to  throw  fcfF  fuch  govern- 
ment, and  to  provide  new  guards  for  their  future  fecurity. 
Such  has*been  the  patient  fufferance  of  thefe  colonies,  and 
fuch  is  now  the  neceffity  which  conftrains  them  to  alter 
their  former  fyftems  of  government.  The  hiftory  of  the 
prefent  king  of  Great  Britain,  is  a  hiftory  of  repeated  inju- 
ries and  ufurpations  ;  all  having  in  direct  object  the  eftab- 
lifhment  of  an  abfolute  tyranny  over  thefe  ftates  :  to  prove 
this,  let  facts  be  fubmitted  to  a  candid  world. 

He  has  refufed  his  a/Tent  to  laws,  the  moft  wholefome 
and  neceffary  for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pafs  laws  of  imme- 
diate and  prcfTmg  Importance,  unlefs  fufpended  in  their 
operation  till  his  aflent  fhould  be  obtained  ;  and  when  fo 
fufpended,  he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refufed  to  pafs  other  laws,  for  the  accommoda- 
tion of  large  diftricts  of  people,  unlefs  thofe  people  would 


436  APPENDIX. 

uelinquifli  the  rights  of  reprefentation  in  the  legiflatur*  ^  a. 
right  ineftimable  to  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  tog-ether  legiflativc  bodies  at  places  un- 
ufual,  uncomfortable,  and  diftant  from  the  depofitory  of 
their  public  records,  for  the  fole  purpofe  of  fatiguing  them 
into  compliance  with  his  meafures. 

He  has  difTolved  reprefentative  houfes  repeatedly,  for 
oppofmg,  with  manly  firmnefs>  his  invafions  on  the  rights 
of  the  people. 

He  has  refufed,  for  a  long  time  after  fuch  diflblution,  to 
caufe  others  to  be  erected,  whereby  the  legiflative  powers, 
incapable  of  annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  people  at 
large  for  their  exercife, — the  ftate  remaining  in  the  mean 
time,  expofed  to  all  the  dangers  of  invafion  from  without, 
and  convulfions  within. 

He  has  endeavoured  to  prevent  the  population  of  thefe 
ftates ;  for  that  purpofe,  obftru&iug  the  laws  for  natural- 
ization of  foreigners,  refufing  to  pals  others  to  encourage 
their  migrations  hither,  and  railing  the  conditions  of  new 
appropriations  of  lands. 

He  has-obftrucled  tbe  adminiftration  of  juftice,  by  refuf- 
ing his  aflent  to  laws  for  eftablifhing  judiciary  powers. 

He  has  made  judges  dependent  on  his  will  alone,  for  the 
tenure  of  their  offices,  and  the  amount  and  payment  of 
their  falaries. 

He  has  creeled  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  fent 
hither  fwarms  of  officers,  to  harafs  our  people,  and  eat  out 
their  fubfiftence. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  (landing  ar- 
mies, without  the  confent  of  our  legiflatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of, 
atid  fuperior  to,  the  civil  power. 


APPENDIX  4S? 

He  has  combined  with  others,  to  fubject  us  to  a  jnrif- 
diction  foreign  to  our  coniYitution,  and  unacknowledged  by 
our  laws,  giving  his  aflent  to  their  pretended  acts  of  legif- 
lation  : 

For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us : 

For  protecting  them,  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punilhment 
for  any  murders  which  they  ihould  commit  on  the  inhabit, 
ants  of  thefe  ft  ate  s  : 

For  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world  : 
For  impofmg  taxes  on  us  without  our  confent : 

For  depriving  us,  in  many  cafes,  of  the  benefit  of  trial 
by  jury: 

For  tranfporting  us  beyond  feas,  to  be  tried  for  pretended 
offences : 

For  abolifhing  the  free  fyflem  of  Englifh  laws  in  a  neigh- 
bouring province,  eftablifhing  therein  an  arbitrary  govern- 
ment, and  enlarging  its  boundaries,  fo  as  to  render  it  at 
once  an  example  and  fit  inftrument  for  introducing  the 
fame  abfolute  rule  into  thefe  colonies  : 

For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolifhing  our  moft  valu- 
able laws,  and  altering  fundamentally  the  forms  of  our 
governments : 

For  fufpending  our  own  legiflatures,  and  declaring  them - 
felves  inverted  with  power  to  legiflate  for  'us  in  all  cafes 
whatfoever. 

He  has  abdicated  government  here,  by  declaring  us  out 
of  his  protection,  and  waging  war  againft  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  feas,  ravaged  our  coafts,  burnt 
our  towns,  and  deftroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is  at  this  time  tranfporting  large  armies  of  foreign 
mercenaries,  to  complete  the  works  of  death,  defolation, 
and  tyranny,  already  begun  with  circumftances  of  cruelty 
and  perfidy,  fcarcely  paralleled  in  the  moft  barbarous  ages, 
and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 


438  APPENDIX. 

He  has  conflrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive  on 
the  high  feas,  to  bear  arms  againft  their  country,  to  become 
the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  fall 
themfelves  by  their  hands. 

He  has  excited  domeftic  infurreclions  amongft  us,  and 
has  endeavoured  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  fron- 
tiers the  mercilefs  Indian  favages,  whofe  known  rule  of 
warfare  is,  an  undiftinguifhed  deftruclion  of  all  ages,  fexes, 
and  conditions. 

In  every  flage  of  thefe  oppreflions,  we  have  petitioned 
for  redrefs,  in  the  mod  humble  terms  :  our  repeated  peti- 
tions have  been  anfwered  only  by  repeated  injury.  A 
prince,  whofe  character  is  thus  marked  by  every  aft  which 
may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free 
people. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our  Britifh 
brethren.  We  have  warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of 
attempts,  by  their  legislature,  to  extend  an  unwarrantable 
jurifdiclion  over  us  ;  we  have  reminded  them  of  the  cir- 
cumftances  of  our  emigration  and  fettlement  here  ;  we  have 
appealed  to  their  native  juftice  and  magnanimity  ;  and  we 
have  conjured  them,  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred, 
»,  to  difavow  thefe  ufurpations,  which  would  inevitably  inter- 

rupt our  connexions  and  correfpondence.  They  too  have 
been  deaf  to  the  voice  of  juftice  and  confanguinity.  We 
muR  therefore  acquiefce  in  the  neceflity  which  denounces 
our  feparation,  and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  reft  of  man- 
kind, enemies  in  war,  in  peace  friends. 

We  therefore,  the  reprefentatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  in  general  congrefs  aflembled,  appealing  to  the 
Supreme  Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  inten- 
tions, do,  in  the  name,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  good 
people  of  thefe  colonies,  iblemnly  publiih  and  declare,  that 
thefe  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  FREE 
AND  INDEPENDENT  STATES  ;  and  that  they  are  abfolved 


APPENDIX.  439 

from  all  allegiance  to  the  Britifli  crown ;  and  that  all  polit- 
ical connexion  between  them  and  the  flate  of  Great  Britain, 
is  and  ought  to  be  totally  diflblved  ;  and  that,  as  free  and 
independent  ftates,  they  have  full  power  to  levy  war,  con- 
clude peace,  contract  alliances,  eftablifh  commerce,  and  to 
do  all  other  acts  and  things  which  independent  ftates  may 
of  right  do.  And  for  the  fupport  of  this  declaration,  with 
a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we 
mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and 
our  facred  honor. 

Signed  by  order  and  in  behalf  of  the  congrefs, 

JOHN  HANCOCK,  PRESIDENT. 
Attejl  :-— 
CHARLES  THOMPSON,  SECRETARY. 


NOTE   NO.  XVIIL      Page  357. 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  general  Lee  to  doctor  B.  Ru(h» 
See  life  and  memoirs  of  general  Lee. 

«  Camp  at  Valley  Forge,  June  4,  1778. 

"  MY    DEAR     RUSH, 

"  Though  I  had  no  occafion  for  frefh  affurances 
«f  of  your  friendfiiip,  I  cannot  help  being  much  pleafed 
"  with  the  warmth  which  your  letter,  delivered  to  me  by 
"  Mr.  H***,  breathes  ;  and  I  hope,  it  is  unneceflary  to 
"  afiure  you,  that  my  fentiments,  with  refpecl  to  you,  are 
"  correfpondent. 

"  You  will  think  it  odd,  that  I  fiiould  feem  to  be  an 
"  apologift  for  general  Howe  :  I  know  not  how  it  happens ; 
"  but  when  I  have  taken  prejudices  in  favor,  or  againft  a 
"  man,  I  find  it  a  difficulty  in  (baking  them  off.  From  my 
"  firft  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Howe,  I  liked  him  :  I  thought 
"  him  friendly,  candid,  good  natured,  brave,  and  rather 
"  fenfible  than  the  reverfe  :  I  believe  ftill  that  he  is  natur- 
"  ally  fo ;  but  a  corrupt,  or  more  properly,  no  education, 


440  APPENDIX. 

"  the  fafhion  of  the  times,  and  the  reigning  idolatry  amongft' 
"  the  Englifh,  (particularly  the  foldiery  ;)  for  every  fcep- 
«« tred  calf,  wolf,  or  afs,  have  fo  totally  perverted  his 
••  underftanding  and  heart,  that  private  friendfhip  has  not 
"  force  fitfficient  to  keep  a  door  open  for  the  admittance 
"  of  mercy  towards  political  heretics*  He  was  befides 
"  perfuaded  that  I  was  doubly  criminal,  both  as  a  traitor 
"  and  deferter.  In  fhoit,  fo  totally  was  he  inebriated  with 
"  this  idea,  that  I  am  convinced  he  would  have  thought 
"  himfelf  both  politically  and  morally  damned,  had  he 
"  acled  any  other  part  than  what  he  did.  He  is  belides, 
"  the  moft  indolent  of  mortals ;  never  took  further  pains 
"  to  examine  the  merits  or  demerits  of  the  caufe  in  which 
"  he  was  engaged,  than  merely  to  recollect,  that  Great 
"  Britain  was  faid  to  be  the  mother  country,  George  the 
"  third  king  of  Great  Britain,  that  the  parliament  was 
<f  called  the  reprefentatives  of  Great  Britain,  that  the  king 
"  and  parliament  formed  the  fnpreme  power,  that  a  fu- 
"  preme  power  is  abfolute  and  uncontrollable,  that  all 
"  reliftance  muft  confequently  be  rebellion  ;  but  above  all, 
"  that  he  was  a  foldier,  and  bound  to  obey  in  all  cafes 
•'  whatever. 

"  Thefe  are  his  notions,  and  this  his  logic  ;  but  through 
"  thefe  abfurditiec,  I  could  diftinguiih,  when  he  was  left 
"  to  himfelf,  rays  of  friendship  and  good  nature  breaking 
"  out.  It  is  true,  he  was  feldom  left  to  himfelf;  for  never 
"  poor  mortal,  thru  (I  into  high  ftation,  was  furrounded  by 
««  fuch  fools  and  fcoundrels.  M'Kenzie,  Balfour,  Gallo- 
"  way,  were  his  counfellors  ;  they  urged  him  to  all  his  adls 
"  of  harihnels ;  they  were  his  fcribes  ;  all  the  damned  ftuff 
"  which  was  iifued  to  the  aftoniflied  world  was  their's.  I 
"  believe  he  fcarcely  ever  read  the  letters  he  figned.  You 
"  will  fcarcely  believe  it,  but  I  can  aMure  you  as  a  fact, 
"  that  he  never  read  the  curious  proclamation,  iiTued  at  the 
"  Head  of  Elk,  till  three  days  after  it  was  publiihed.  You 
"  will  fay,  that  I  am  drawing  my  friend  Howe  in  more 
14  ridiculous  colors  than  he  has  yet  been  reprefented  in ; 
ei  but  this  is  hio  real  character.  He  is  naturally  good 


APPENDIX.  441 

11  humored,  coraplaifant,  but  illiterate  and  indolent  to  the 
"  laft  degree,  unlefs  as  an  executive  foldier,  in  which  cap«- 
"  city  he  is  all  fire  and  activity,  brave  and  cool  as  Julius 
•*  Csefar.  His  underftanding  is,  as  I  obferved  before,  rather 
"  good  than  otherwife,  but  was  totally  confounded  and 
"  ftupified  by  the  immenfity  of  the  tafk  impofed  upon  him. 
"  He  flmt  his  eyes,  fought  his  battles,  drank  his  bottle,  had 
"  his  little  *****,  advifed  with  his  counfellors,  received  his 
"  orders  from  North  and  Germaine,  (one  more  abfurd  than 
"  the  other,)  took  Galloway's  opinion,  fhut  his  eyes,  fought 
"  again,  and  is  now,  I  fuppofe,  to  be  called  to  account  for 
u  acting  according  to  inftructions.  But  I  believe  his  eyes 
"  are  now  opened ;  he  fees  he  has  been  an  inftrument  of 
"  wickednefs  and  folly  ;  indeed,  when  I  obferved  it  to  him, 
"  he  not  only  took  patiently  the  obfervation,  but  indirectly 
"  aflented  to  the  truth  of  it.  He  made,  at  the  fame  time, 
"  as  far  as  his  mauvais  bonie  would  permit,  an  apology  for 
"  his  treatment  of  me. 

"  Thus  far  with  regard  to  Mr.  Howe.  You  are  ftruck 
"  with  the  great  events,  changes,  and  new  characters,  which 
"  have  appeared  on  the  ftage  fince  I  faw  you  laft ;  but  I 
"  am  more  ftruck  with  the  admirable  efficacy  of  blunders. 
"  It  feemed  to  be  a  trial  of  {kill,  which  party  fhould  outdo 
"  the  other ;  and  it  is  hard  to  fay  which  played  the  deepeft 
"  ftrokes  ;  but  it  was  a  capital  one  of  ours,  which  certainly 
"  gave  the  happy  turn  which  affairs  have  taken.  Upon 
"  my  foul,  it  wras  time  for  fortune  to  interpofe,  or  we  were 
**  inevitably  loft  ;  but  this  we  will  talk  over  another  time. 
"  I  fuppofe  we  fhall  fee  one  another  at  Philadelphia  very 
"  foon,  in  attendance.  God  blefs  you  ! 

"  Your's,  affectionately, 

"  CHARLES  LEE." 


VOL.  I.  3....H 


442  APPENDIX. 

NOTE  NO.  XIX.      Page  362. 

The  iniquitous  conduct  of  fpeculators  and  fwindlers,  to 
fecure  to  themfelves  the  pofleffion  of  mod  of  the  public 
fecurities,  will  leave  a  (lain  on  a  large  clafs  of  people,  who 
by  every  art  endeavoured  to  fmk  the  faith  of  congrefs. 
Indeed  their  attempts  to  injure  the  credit  of  all  public 
bodies,  were  attended  with  the  moft  pernicious  confequences 
to  the  honeft  and  unfufpecting  holders  of  public  paper. 
By  every  infidious  practice,  they  induced  the  ignorant  and 
neceflitous,  to  part  with  their  fecurities  for  the  moft  trifling 
confiderations,  to  fupply  their  immediate  wants.  Thus 
afterwards,  when  a  new  conftitution  of  government  was 
formed,  and  a  funding  fyftem  created,  no  difcrimination 
was  made  in  favor  of  the  original  holders,  who  had  difpof- 
fefled  themfelves  of  the  public  fecurities.  Thofe  who  had 
gained  them  by  their  artificial  deception,  were  enriched 
beyond  all  calculation  by  ftibfequent  circumftances  :  they 
afterwards  received  the  nominal  value  in  fpecie,  while  many 
of  the  former  holders  were  reduced  to  extreme  poverty. 

It  was  pathetically  obferved,  by  one  who  felt  thefe  in- 
conveniencies,  that  "  the  public  fecurities,  tired  of  their 
"  humble  abodes,  had  foon  fled  to  the  fplendid  feats  of 
"  wealth  and  greatnefs  ;  and  that  while  they  remained 
"  with  a  clafs  who  had  dearly  earned  them  by  their  fer- 
**  vices,  no  intereft  was  promifed,  no  time,  place,  or  perfon 
*'  afcertained,  to  direct  our  application  for  payment.  They 
"  fell  into  difgrace,  which  concurring  with  our  necefllties, 
"  as  they  could  yield  no  prefent  comfort  or  future  hope, 
'*  induced  us  to  part  with  them  for  the  moft  trifling  con- 
"  fiderations :  but  when  they  had  chofen  their  elevated 
**  refidence,  their  credit  revived,  and  provifion  was  made 
"  for  the  payment  of  intereft  upon  them.  We,  in  event, 
'*  literally  fold  them  for  nothing,  and  are  obliged  to  pay 
"  their  prefent  holders  an  annual  fum  for  keeping  them  in 
"  pofleffion  ;  for  many  of  us  have,  or  muft  foon  pay  for  the 


APPENDIX.  44S 

"  inter  eft  of  them,  a  fum  nearly  or  quite  equal  to  the  money 
"  given  to  purchafe  them,  and  ftill  be  annually  taxed  to 
"  difcharge  the  intereit  and  principal  of  faid  fecurities." 

This  is  an  anticipation  of  what  literally  took  place  after- 
wards, though  it  is  but  juftice  to  obferve,  that  Mr.  Madifon 
of  Virginia,  a  diflinguiihed  member  of  congrefs,  and  fev- 
eral  others  of  that  body,  left  no  rational  argument  un- 
tried, to  procure  a  difcrimination,  when  the  funding  fyftem 
was  about  to  be  introduced  in  one  thoufand  feven  hundred 
and  eighty-eight,  that  would  have  made  fome  equitable 
compenfation  to  the  original  holders  of  public  fecurities, 
and  prevented  a  fudden  accumulation  of  wealth  to  a  clafs 
of  men,  who  had,  many  of  them,  never  earned  by  their 
own  private  induflry,  or  their  fervices  to  the  public,  fuffi- 
cient  for  a  competent  fupport.  They  grew  rich  on  the 
property  of  thofe  who  had  fuffered  in  the  fervice  of  their 
country,4  who  were  left  to  complain,  without  a  poffibility 
of  redrefs. 


NOTE    NO.  XX.       Page  400. 

Extracts  of  a  fhort  account  of  the  treatment  of  major 
general  Conway,  late  in  the  fervice  of  America,  from 
general  Lee's  letters. 

"  On  Monday  the  23d  of  November,  1778,  the  honora- 
"  ble  major  general  Conway  fet  out  from  Philadelphia,  on 
"  his  return  to  France.  The  hiftory  of  the  treatment  this 
"  gentleman  has  received,  is  fo  fmgular,  that  it  muft  make 
"  a  figure  in  the  anecdotes  of  mankind.  He  was  born  in 
•*  Ireland,  but  at  the  age  of  fix  was  carried  into  Fiance  ; 
"  was  bred  up  from  his  infancy  to  the  profeflion  of  arms  ; 
"  and  it  is  univerfally  allowed,  by  the  gentlemen  of  that 
"  nation,  that  he  has,  in  their  fervice,  the  reputation  of 
"  being  what  is  called  un  tres  brave  major  d'infanterie, 
"  which  is  no  fmall  chajafler  ;  it  implies,  if  I  comprehend 


444  APPENDIX. 

"  the  term  aright,  a  man  pofleffed  of  all  the  requifite  qual- 
"  ities  to  fill  the  duties  of  a  general  officer  in  the  fecondary 
"  line,  but  by  no  rqgans  ranks  him  among  thofe  favored 
"  mortals,  to  whom  it  has  plealed  God  to  give  fo  large  a 
"  portion  of  the  etherial  fpirit,  as  to  render  reading,  theory, 
"  and  practice  unneceflary  ;  but  with  the  fpe&acle  of  this 
"  phenomena,  Heaven  entertains  the  earth  but  very  feldom  ; 
"  Greece,  as  hiftorians  report,  had  but  one  ;  Rome  none  ; 
"  England  and  Fiance,  only  one  each.  As  to  this  hem- 
"  ifphere,  I  (hall  be  iilent  on  the  fubject,  left  I  ihould  be 
"  fufpedted  of  not  being  ferious.  But  be  this  as  it  may,  it 
"  is  paft  doubt  that  general  Conway  is  a  man  of  excellent 
"  underftanding,  quick  and  penetrating, — that  he  has  feen 
"  much  fervice,  has  read  a  great  deal,  and  digefted  well 
"  what  he  has  read.  It  is  not  lefs  certain,  that  he  embark- 
"  ed  with  the  warmed  zeal  for  the  great  American  caufe, 
"  and  it  has  never  been  infmuated,  unlefs  by  thofe  who 
'*  have  the  talent  of  confounding  caufes,  that  his  zeal  has 
"  diminifhed.  His  recompenfe  has  been,  what  ?  He  has 
"  loft  his  commiffion  ;  he  has  been  refufed  the  common 
"  certificate,  which  every  officer  receives  at  the  expiration 
«'  of  his  fervices,  unlefs  his  delinquencies  have  been  very 
"  fubftantial  indeed.  And,  for  what  crime  ?  For  none,  by 
"  any  law,  or  the  moft  {trained  conftruclion  that  can  be  put 
"  on  any  law.  •  The  reafons  given  are  fo  far  from  being 
"  fubftantial,  that  they  really  ought  to  reflect  honor  on  his 
*c  character.  It  feems  he  has  been  accufed  of  writing  a 
"  letter  to  a  confidential  friend,  communicating  an  opinion, 
"  that  the  commander  in  chief  was  not  equal  to  the  great 
"  tafk  he  was  charged  with.  Is  this  a  crime  ?  The  con- 
"  trary.  If  it  was  really  his  opinion,  it  was  decent,  it  was 
*'  honeft,  it  was  laudable,  it  was  his  duty.  Does  it  come 
"  under  any  article  of  war  ?  I  may  venture  to  affirm  that 
"  it  does  not.  God  help  the  community  that  fhould  be 
*'  abfurd  enough  to  frame  a  law  which  could  be  con  (trued 
"  into  fuch  a  fenfe ;  fuch  a  community  could  not  long  fub- 
"  fift.  It  ever  lias  been,  and  ever  ought  to  be,  the  c;i flora 
"  in  all  armies,  not  abiblutely  barbarians,  for  the  (,:=. 


APPENDIX.  44$ 

«  of  high  rank  minutely  to  canvafs  the  meafures  of  their 
"  commander  in  chief ;  and  if  his  faults  or  miftakes  appear 
"  to  them  many  and  great,  to  communicate  their  fentiments 
«  to  each  other  ;  it  can  be  attended  with  no  one  bad  con- 
"  fequence  ;  for  if  the  criticifms  are  unjuft  and  impertinent, 
"  they  only  recoil  on  the  authors,  and  the  great  man  who 
"  is  the  fubject  of  them,  fhines  with  redoubled  luftre.  But 
"  if  they  are  well  founded,  they  tend  to  open  the  eyes  of 
"  the  prince  or  ftate,  who,  from  blind  prejudice,  or  fome 
"  ftrange  infatuation,  may  have  repofed  their  affairs  in 
"  hands  ruinoufly  incapable.  Does  any  man  of  fenfe,  who 
"  is  the  leaft  acquainted  with  hiftory,  imagine  that  the 
"  greateft  generals  the  world  ever  produced  have  efcaped 
"  cenfure  ?  Hannibal,  Cxfar,  Turenne,  Marlborough,  have 
"  all  been  cenfured ;  and  the  only  method  they  thought 
"  juftifiable,  of  flopping  the  mouths  of  their  cenfors,  was 
"  by  afrefh  exertion  of  their  talents,  and  a  perpetual  feries 
"  of  victories.  Indeed  it  is  obfervable,  that  in  proportion 
"  to  the  capacity  or  incapacity  of  the  commander  in  chief, 
"  he  countenances  or  difcountenances  the  whole  tribe  of 
*  tale-bearers,  informers,  and  pickthanks,  who  ever  have 
"  been,  and  ever  will  be,  the  bane  of  thofe  courts  and 
"  armies  where  they  are  encouraged  or  even  fuifered.  Al- 
"  lowing  general  Wafhington  to  be  poiTeiled  of  all  the  vir- 
"  tues  and  military  talents  of  Epaminondas,  and  this  is 
"  certainly  allowing  a  great  deal ;  for  whether  from  our 
"  modern  education,  or  perhaps  the  modern  ftate  of  human 
"  affairs,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  that  any  mortal  in  thefe 
"  ages,  fhould  arrive  at  fuch  perfection ;  but  allowing  it  to 
"  be  fo,  he  would  dill  remain  mortal,  and  of  courfe  fubject 
"  to  the  infirmities  of  human  nature  ;  ficknefs,  or  other 
"  cafualties,  might  impair  his  underftanding,  his  memory, 
"  or  his  courage  ;  and  in  confequence  of  this  failure,  he 
"  might  adopt  meafures  apparently  weak,  ridiculous,  and 
"  pernicious.  Supposing  this  poffible  cafe,  whether  a  law, 
"  the  letter  or  fpirit  of  which  ilioukl  ablblutely  feal  up  the 
"  lips,  and  reftrain  the  pens  of  every  witnefs  of  the  defec- 
"  tion,  would  it  not  in  facl  be  denouncing  vengeance 


446  APPENDIX 

**  againil  thofe  who  alone  have  the  means  in  their  power 
"  of  faving  the  public  from  the  ruin  impending,  if  they 
"  fhould  dare  to  make  ufe  of  thefe  means  for  its  falvation. 
"  If  there  weie  fuch  a  law,  its  abfurdity  would  be  fo  mon- 
"  ftroufly  glaring,  that  we  may  hardly  fay,  it  would  be 
"  more  honored  in  die  breach  than  in  the  obfervance.  In 
"  the  Englilh  and  French  armies,  the  freedom  with  which 
*«  the  conduct  and  meafures  of  commanders  in  chief  are 
"  canvaffed,  is  notorious  ;  nor  does  it  appear  that  this  free- 
"  dom  is  attended  with  any  bad  confequences  :  it  has  never 
*'  been  once  able  to  remove  a  real  great  officer  from  his 
"  command.  Every  action  of  the  duke  of  Marlborough 
"  (every  body  who  has  read  muft  know)  was  not  only 
"  minutely  criticifed,  but  his  whole  conduct  was  directed, 
<*  in  order  to  difcover  fome  crime,  blunder,  fault,  or  even 
"  trifling  error  ;  but  all  thefe  impertinent  pains  and  wicked 
«  induftry  were  employed  in  vain  ;  it  was  a  court  intrigue 
"  alone  that  fubverted  him. 

"  General  Wolfe,  with  whom  to  be  compared  it  can  be 
«'  no  degradation  to  any  mortal  living,  was  not  merely 
"  criticifed,  but  grofsly  calumniated  by  fome  officers  of 
"  high  rank  under  him  ;  but  that  great  man  never  thought 
"  of  having  recourfe  to  the  letter  or  conilruction  of  any 
•'  law,  in  order  to  avenge  himielf ;  he  was  contented  with 
"  informing  his  calumniators,  that  he  was  not  ignorant  of 
"  their  practices,  and  that  the  only  method  he  fhould  take 
"  for  their  punifnment,  would  be  an  active  perfeverance  in 
"  the  performance  of  his  duty,  which,  with  the  afliftance 
"  of  God,  he  made  no  doubt  would  place  him  beyond  the 
'*  reach  of  their  malice.  As  to  what  liberties  they  had 
"  taken  with  him  perfonally,  he  ihould  wait  till  he  was 
"  reduced  to  the  rank  of  a  private  gentleman,  and  then 
"  fpeak  to  them  in  that  capacity. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  it  appears  that  it  never  was  under- 
"  Mood  to  be  the  meaning  of  the  Englifh  article  of  war, 
"  which  enjbins  relpect  towards  the  commander  in  chief; 


APPENDIX.  417 

*«  and  of  courfe  it  ought  not  to  be  underftood,  that  the 
"  meaning  of  that  article  of  the  American  code,  (which  is 
•*  a  fervile  copy  from  the  Englifli,)  is  meant  to  prefcribe 
"  the  communication  of  our  fentiments  to  one  another,  on 
"  the  capacity  or  incapacity  of  the  man  on  whom  the  mif- 
"  ery  or  ruin  of  the  ftate  depends ;  its  intention  was,  with- 
"  out  doubt,  in  part  complimentary,  and  partly  to  lay  fome 
"  decent  reftriclions  on  the  licenfe  of  converfation  and  writ- 
**  ing,  which  otherwife  might  create  a  diffidence  in  the 
'*  minds  of  the  common  ibldiery,  detrimental  to  the  public 
"  fervice.  But  that  it  was  meant  to  impofe  a  dead,  torpid 
41  filence,  in  all  cafes  whatever,  on  men,  who,  from  their 
'*  rank,  muft  be  fuppofed  to  have  eyes  and  underflanding, 
•'  nothing  under  the  degree  of  an  ideot,  can  perfuade  him- 
"  felf ;  but  admitting,  in  oppofition  to  common  fenfe  and 
"  all  precedents,  the  proceeding  to  be  criminal ;  admitting 
*  Mr.  Conway  guilty  of  it,  to  the  extent  reprefented,  which 
"  he  can  demonftrate  to  be  falfe ;  in  the  name  of  God, 
"  why  inflitf  the  higheft,  at  lead  negative  punifhment,  on  a 
"  man  untried,  and  unheard  ?  The  refufal  of  a  certificate 
"  of  having  honeftly  ferved,  is  confidered  as  the  greateft  of 
'*  negative  punifliments ;  indeed  in  the  military  idea,  it  is  a 
"  pofitive  one. 

'*  And  I  fincerely  hope,  and  do  firmly  believe,  (fuch  is 
"  my  opinion  of  the  juftice  of  congrefs,)  that  when  they 
"  have  coolly  reflected  on  the  merits  and  fortunes  of  this 
"  gentleman,  they  will  do  him  that  juftice,  which  nothing 
"  but  the  hafty  mifconftrudion  of  a  law  haftily  copied  from 
"  another  law,  never  defined  nor  underftood,  has  hitherto 
"  prevented." 


V>\ 


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